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Financial markets are betting on a Trump victory

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THE FINAL election polls have been published, and in-person voting has yet to conclude. It is an anxious period, with little new information to parse about who might emerge victorious as America’s next president. But that is not stopping investors from placing, and adjusting, their bets. From prediction markets to bonds, they have more ways than ever to register their views about the likely outcome of the election. Most of their money is on Donald Trump, though his perceived lead over Kamala Harris has narrowed in the past few days.

The easiest place to get a read on the thinking of punters is in election-betting markets. The three that get the most attention are Polymarket, Kalshi and PredictIt. Polymarket, a cryptocurrency-based platform that bills itself as the world’s biggest prediction market, gives Mr Trump a roughly 60% chance of winning the election, as of Monday afternoon in America. That is down from 67% last week, a shift that came after a few late polls—notably, the surprising Selzer poll in Iowa—were more positive for Ms Harris. But Polymarket has plenty of critics, with some arguing that its pricing is easily manipulated.

By contrast, PredictIt, the oldest of the three online betting markets, founded exactly a decade ago, has Ms Harris ahead by the slimmest of margins. But it is also the most limited of the platforms, by design, with strict caps on the number of bettors and the size of their bets. Kalshi, a regulated exchange, comes just about down the middle. It currently sees a 56% probability of victory for Mr Trump, down from 65% last week. In the immediate aftermath of the Selzer poll, Kalshi in fact briefly showed that Ms Harris was the favourite before shifting back in Mr Trump’s direction.

It may seem easy to dismiss these various platforms as silly betting arenas for punters, dominated by young men who spend many of their waking hours online. It is striking, however, that their pricing has closely mirrored “real money” in more established markets. To get a sense of how equity investors are positioned for the election, analysts at Piper Sandler, an investment bank, created two separate portfolios of stocks whose fortunes may rise or fall depending on the presidential victor. Their Trump portfolio features oil companies and weapons manufacturers, plus shorts on firms such as Apple that would be hurt by a trade war with China. Their Harris portfolio is heavy on producers of renewable energy and electric vehicles, while betting against financial firms and drug makers that may face more rules under Democrats.

The performance of the Piper Sandler portfolios lines up almost perfectly with the Polymarket odds. In October, as the betting markets turned against Ms Harris, the Trump portfolio gained about 3% and the Harris portfolio fell by 7%. But over the past week, that gap has closed. For instance, Geo Group, a prison operator in the Trump portfolio, has come under selling pressure, while First Solar, a solar-panel manufacturer in the Harris portfolio, has climbed higher. Citrini, a research firm, has yielded similar results with its Trump-aligned basket of stocks. It soared in July after Mr Trump survived an assassination attempt at a rally in Pennsylvania, tumbled when Ms Harris entered the race and recovered as she seemed to lose momentum. But on Monday, the first trading day after the Iowa poll, Citrini’s Trump basket was down by about 1.4% by the middle of the day.

Election predictions have also had an impact on much bigger, more diffuse markets. Yields on Treasuries and the dollar’s value have climbed over the past six weeks, in part because investors have been girding themselves for a Trump presidency. Their thinking is that his policies, including heftier federal deficits and higher tariffs, are likely to drive up both growth and inflation. Such a backdrop would, in theory, support the dollar and weigh on bond prices, leading to an upward drift in yields. But Monday brought a partial reversal of these trends, with small declines in both yields and the dollar—reflections of Ms Harris’s improved standing in the polls.

What to make of all this trading? One conclusion is that investors are a highly uncertain bunch. Polls have been neck and neck almost the entire race, even as the pricing of election-related trades has swung up and down.

Cutting through that volatility, a second conclusion is that investors have, fairly consistently, been more confident in Mr Trump’s chances than the polls themselves. The Economist’s model, based on polls and fundamental factors, rates the election as a true toss-up. Financial markets—from small-time punters on betting exchanges to the giant institutions that determine the prices of bonds—are closer to 55% in favour of Mr Trump. That is a coin flip but one clearly weighted against Ms Harris.

Economics

PCE inflation December 2024:

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Customers shop for food at a grocery store on Jan. 15, 2025 in Chicago, Illinois.

Scott Olson | Getty Images News | Getty Images

Inflation closed out 2024 on a strong note, as a price gauge the Federal Reserve focuses on came in well above the central bank’s target.

The personal consumption expenditures price index increased 2.6% on a year over year basis, 0.2 percentage point higher than the November reading and in line with the Dow Jones estimate.

Excluding food and energy, core PCE registered a 2.8% reading, also meeting expectations and the same as the prior month. Though the Fed considers both readings, historically officials have seen core as the better gauge of long-run inflation.

On a monthly basis, headline PCE rose 0.3% while core increased 0.2%, both in line with forecasts as well.

The Fed targets annual inflation at 2%, a level the price gauge has not seen since February 2021.

The report comes two days after the central bank voted unanimously to hold its key interest rate in a range between 4.25%-4.5%, taking a break after three consecutive cuts totaling a full percentage point.

In remarks delivered Friday morning, Fed Governor Michelle Bowman said she expects inflation to decelerate through 2025, but thinks the central bank should stay on hold until there are clear signs that is happening.

“There is still more work to be done to bring inflation closer to our 2 percent goal. I would like to see progress in lowering inflation resume before we make further adjustments to the target range,” Bowman said in remarks before business leaders in Portsmouth, N.H. “I do expect that inflation will begin to decline again and that by year-end it will be lower than where it now stands.”

The report Friday also showed that personal income increased 0.4% as forecast, while spending rose 0.7%, or one-tenth of a percentage point ahead of the estimate.

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German inflation, January 2025

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Customers waiting at the checkout in a supermarket.

Markus Scholz | Picture Alliance | Getty Images

German inflation was unchanged year-on-year at 2.8% in January, preliminary data from the country’s statistics office Destatis showed Friday in the last reading before Germans head to the polls next month.

The reading was also in line with a forecast from economists polled by Reuters. The print is harmonized across the euro area for comparability. 

On a monthly basis, the harmonized consumer price index fell by 0.2%

Germany’s inflation rate has now stayed above the European Central Bank’s 2% target for the fourth month in a row, after falling below that threshold in September last year.

This roughly mirrors the development of re-accelerating inflation in the wider euro area. The European Central Bank on Thursday said that disinflation in the bloc “is well on track” and has broadly developed in line with staff projections.

Euro area inflation came in at 2.4% in December. The January figures are slated for release next week.

The January inflation print is among the final key economic data released before Germany’s election on Feb. 23, which is taking place earlier than originally scheduled after the collapse of the ruling coalition in November 2024.

Germany’s economy has been one of big topics during campaigning next to immigration, as the country has been grappling with lackluster economic growth and the renewed rise of inflation.

The government earlier this week slashed gross domestic product expectations to 0.3% for full-year 2025, after annual GDP contracted in the last two years. Quarterly growth has also been sluggish, even as the economy has so far avoided a technical recession characterized by two consecutive quarter of contraction.

Non-harmonized inflation is expected to average 2.2% this year, the government added in its annual economic report.

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Donald Trump revives ideas of a Star Wars-like missile shield 

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IN THE LATE 1980s Edward Teller, the father of the hydrogen bomb, and Lowell Wood, an astrophysicist, proposed a seemingly bizarre scheme to defend America against missile attack. The “Brilliant Pebbles” system envisaged thousands of small satellites in low-Earth orbit, each housing heat-seeking missiles to take out incoming Soviet nukes long before they released their warheads. The idea faded, not least because the technology seemed distant. Now Donald Trump is resuscitating it.

On the campaign trail Mr Trump promised to build an “Iron Dome” for America, referring to an Israeli missile-defence system. The name is a misnomer. The Israeli system is designed to take out short-range rockets. What Mr Trump meant, and spelt out in an executive order published on January 27th, was a more ambitious effort to detect and counter intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs) and the like. America already has a system designed to do that, known as Ground-Based Midcourse Defence (GMD), which relies on interceptors in Alaska and California.

Mr Trump’s proposal differs in important respects. One is its scope. GMD was intended to parry limited attacks involving a small number of ballistic missiles, such as might occur in an attack by North Korea. Mr Trump’s shield is supposed to block “any foreign aerial attack”, which would imply not only both cruise and ballistic missiles, but also a full-scale strategic attack by Russia or China involving many hundreds of missiles at once.

Critics of missile defence say this is folly, because it is generally cheaper to build additional offensive systems than interceptors to stop them. Russia and China—which are building missile shields of their own—have also argued that American defences risk undermining nuclear deterrence, because they might one day allow America to strike enemies without fearing retaliation. Advocates retort that the missile threat has changed: long-range non-nuclear missiles could now paralyse military facilities in the continental United States, allowing enemies to coerce America into staying out of a distant war.

In any case, Mr Trump’s favoured design is also noteworthy. GMD targets incoming missiles when they are in mid-flight. In theory it is easier to take out a missile in its “boost phase” (as it is taking off), when it is moving more slowly. The problem is that this is a fleeting moment—three to five minutes for ICBMs.  The new order calls for “proliferated space-based interceptors capable of boost-phase intercept”. That amounts to a Brilliant Pebbles-like system: a lot of small, armed satellites, some of which would be above Russia, China and other foes at all times.

The cost of building tiny computers and putting thousands of them into orbit is far lower than it was in Mr Teller’s days—partly thanks to Elon Musk. But it is still eye-wateringly expensive, and liable to hoover up a good chunk of the defence budget. America would require 500 satellites in total to have just three to four interceptors in range of North Korean launchpads, estimates Bleddyn Bowen of Durham University; hundreds more than that would probably be needed, he says.

A key technical challenge will be building space sensors with “fire-control-quality tracking”—good enough at spotting and tracking enemy missiles to guide interceptors to them—says Tom Karako of CSIS, a think-tank. But if the technology proves mature, the implications could go beyond missile defence. “We will see the emergence, gradual understanding, and eventually acceptance of ‘space fires’,” says Mr Karako, which could include satellites capable of targeting, with both explosive and electronic means, targets on the ground, those in the air and other satellites in orbit.

There are many doubters. Mr Trump aired similar ideas in his first term but failed to back them with hard cash. Spending for an American Iron Dome will compete with a string of other priorities, from a bigger navy to more nuclear weapons. “It’s always a budget question,” says Mr Karako. “Show me your budget for missile defence, and I’ll tell you what your ‘Iron Dome for America’ is.”

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