Bipartisan legislation to cut taxes for working families and extend certain corporate tax breaks has stalled in the Senate over Republican opposition. But the bill’s prospects could be growing rosier as lawmakers prepare to return to Washington next week from a long recess.
Privately, some GOP lawmakers have said they’re increasingly willing to support the bill with small changes that the measure’s Democratic sponsor has already offered, according to four people involved in the conversations who spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss private talks.
In a sign of possible momentum, Senate Majority Leader Charles E. Schumer (D-N.Y.) wrote to lawmakers Friday that the upper chamber could consider the bill — along with measures to regulate TikTok, address rail safety and lower health-care costs — “in the weeks and months ahead.”
Once the Senate wraps up impeachment proceedings against Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas, expected to take up most of lawmakers’ time next week, Schumer could put the tax bill to a vote on or shortly after the April 15 tax deadline.
The $79 billion legislation pairs an expansion to the child tax credit — a major priority for President Biden and Democrats that nonpartisan estimates say would lift 400,000 children out of poverty — with business tax incentives initially authorized in 2017 under President Donald Trump.
The Internal Revenue Service has said it could apply the credit retroactively, but lawmakers have still been eyeing the filing deadline as a possible time peg for action on the measure.
It was the product of a deal struck between Sen. Ron Wyden (D-Ore.) and Rep. Jason T. Smith (R-Mo.), the chairs of Congress’s tax-writing committees, after seven months of talks, and it passed the House with broad bipartisan support in January.
The bill has run into opposition from Sen. Mike Crapo (Idaho), Wyden’s Republican counterpart on the Finance Committee, over a provision that would allow low-income families to use a prior year’s return to earn a larger tax credit. Many Republicans have publicly followed Crapo’s lead, hoping to give him more leverage to seek changes to the legislation that dial back the credit for families.
Privately, though, numerous Republican senators say they could support the legislation without some of those changes, but don’t want to outwardly break with a well-liked and powerful member of their caucus, the four people who have discussed the measure with them said.
These people — three lobbyists and a senior GOP Senate staffer who have had in-depth conversations with lawmakers and senior staffers about the bill — said that in private, a sufficient number of Republicans to overcome a filibuster support the legislation, but many of them do not want to cross Crapo and other GOP leaders who hope to extract more concessions from Wyden and Smith.
“The thing that we see differently now is there does not seem to be the willingness that anyone is going roll Crapo,” one of those people said. “That’s pretty clear from Republicans now. We see that the path forward for this bill is that concessions need to be made.”
A left-leaning advocacy group had a similar read.
“We’ve had conversations with over a dozen Republican Senate offices and heard significant support for the bipartisan tax package and enthusiasm both for the [research-and-development] credit as well as for the child tax credit provision,” Adam Ruben, director of Economic Security Project Action. “I would predict that if this comes to a vote, I think the votes are there. … Will it come to a vote [and overcome a GOP filibuster threat] is another question.”
Wyden offered to alter the legislation to address some of Crapo’s concerns, swapping out the “look back” section and instead further expanding eligibility for the poorest families who qualify for the credit. Crapo rejected that offer: He has said negotiations with Wyden were “at a standstill.”
“The issue set is the same issue set that’s been out there for a couple of weeks now,” Crapo told The Washington Post before Congress went on recess at the end of March.
Ultimately, public support for the bill hinges on Crapo’s stance in negotiations, the people and multiple lawmakers said. Lawmakers say Crapo, who is in line to chair the Finance Committee if Republicans retake the Senate in November’s elections, is eyeing a larger tax package in 2025 that could contain more conservative policies and hopes to use the prospect of a GOP-written tax plan next year to extract more changes from Wyden — or defeat the measure entirely.
Trillions of dollars in tax cuts enacted under Trump are slated to expire at the end of 2025, which means Congress will probably be working on tax policy next year regardless of who wins the elections.
“I think Crapo wants to make it better,” Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) said. “I like to help people raising children with the child tax credit, and there’s a bunch of other business things in there that I hear a lot about from my constituents. But with work requirements, there’s some things that Crapo wants to do and I sort of trust his judgment.”
Another key Republican, Sen. Mike Rounds (S.D.), echoed that sentiment.
“I have spoken with our ranking member, Mike Crapo, and I don’t think it’s ready for prime time yet,” Rounds said. “I think they’re still negotiating. But I’ll take my cue right now based on what his analysis is.”
Wyden is still offering to drop the ability for taxpayers to use a previous year’s return to quality if it will draw Republicans on board.
“While I think the policy is important, I’ve offered to take it out of the bill if it gets this over the finish line,” he said during a committee hearing in late March. “Working with groups, we have found a way to do this and still lift the same number of kids out of poverty. As of this morning, my offer on the look back is still on the table.”
Some key Republicans hope Wyden succeeds. A high-profile Finance Committee member, Sen. Todd Young (R-Ind.), urged Senate leaders to move forward even if Crapo cannot secure more changes to the legislation. And a member of GOP leadership, Sen. Steve Daines (Mont.), has said the bill even without changes was “very important for global competitiveness” because of the corporate tax provisions.
The new legislation would expand the child tax credit to allow low-income families to claim the benefit for multiple children; under current law, the lowest-earning families can only receive the credit for one child. Starting in 2025, for the 2024 tax year, the benefit would be linked to inflation, which would add up to a roughly $100 boost next year.
The proposed larger refundable tax credits for more low-income parents could lift 400,000 children out of poverty, according to nonpartisan estimates. And Democrats and Republicans alike have cheered provisions that would allow businesses to write off research-and-development and interest expenses and investments in new equipment.
The tax credit was expanded temporarily in 2021, increasing the amount it provided and extending eligibility. Those changes kept 3 million children out of poverty, according to research conducted by Columbia University’s Center on Poverty & Social Policy. But the expansion expired at the end of 2021, and child poverty rates jumped back up after that.
A person holds a sign during a protest against cuts made by U.S. President Donald Trump’s administration to the Social Security Administration, in White Plains, New York, U.S., March 22, 2025.
Nathan Layne | Reuters
The Trump administration’s appeal of a temporary restraining order blocking the so-called Department of Government Efficiency from accessing sensitive personal Social Security Administration data has been dismissed.
The U.S. Court of Appeals for the 4th Circuit on Tuesday dismissed the government’s appeal for lack of jurisdiction. The case will proceed in the district court. A motion for a preliminary injunction will be filed later this week, according to national legal organization Democracy Forward.
The temporary restraining order was issued on March 20 by federal Judge Ellen Lipton Hollander and blocks DOGE and related agents and employees from accessing agency systems that contain personally identifiable information.
That includes information such as Social Security numbers, medical provider information and treatment records, employer and employee payment records, employee earnings, addresses, bank records, and tax information.
DOGE team members were also ordered to delete all nonanonymized personally identifiable information in their possession.
The plaintiffs include unions and retiree advocacy groups, namely the American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees, the Alliance for Retired Americans and the American Federation of Teachers.
“We are pleased the 4th Circuit agreed to let this important case continue in district court,” Richard Fiesta, executive director of the Alliance for Retired Americans, said in a written statement. “Every American retiree must be able to trust that the Social Security Administration will protect their most sensitive and personal data from unwarranted disclosure.”
The Trump administration’s appeal ignored standard legal procedure, according to Democracy Forward. The administration’s efforts to halt the enforcement of the temporary restraining order have also been denied.
“The president will continue to seek all legal remedies available to ensure the will of the American people is executed,” Liz Huston, a White House spokesperson, said via email.
The Social Security Administration did not respond to a request from CNBC for comment.
Immediately after the March 20 temporary restraining order was put in place, Social Security Administration Acting Commissioner Lee Dudek said in press interviews that he may have to shut down the agency since it “applies to almost all SSA employees.”
Dudek was admonished by Hollander, who called that assertion “inaccurate” and said the court order “expressly applies only to SSA employees working on the DOGE agenda.”
Dudek then said that the “clarifying guidance” issued by the court meant he would not shut down the agency. “SSA employees and their work will continue under the [temporary restraining order],” Dudek said in a March 21 statement.
Many Americans are paying a hefty price for their credit card debt.
As a primary source of unsecured borrowing, 60% of credit cardholders carry debt from month to month, according to a new report by the Federal Reserve Bank of New York.
At the same time, credit card interest rates are “very high,” averaging 23% annually in 2023, the New York Fed found, also making credit cards one of the most expensive ways to borrow money.
“With the vast majority of the American public using credit cards for their purchases, the interest rate that is attached to these products is significant,” said Erica Sandberg, consumer finance expert at CardRates.com. “The more a debt costs, the more stress this puts on an already tight budget.”
Most credit cards have a variable rate, which means there’s a direct connection to the Federal Reserve’s benchmark. And yet, credit card lenders set annual percentage rates well above the central bank’s key borrowing rate, currently targeted in a range between 4.25% to 4.5%, where it has been since December.
Following the Federal Reserve’s rate hike in 2022 and 2023, the average credit card rate rose from 16.34% to more than 20% today — a significant increase fueled by the Fed’s actions to combat inflation.
“Card issuers have determined what the market will bear and are comfortable within this range of interest rates,” said Matt Schulz, chief credit analyst at LendingTree.
APRs will come down as the central bank reduces rates, but they will still only ease off extremely high levels. With just a few potential quarter-point cuts on deck, APRs aren’t likely to fall much, according to Schulz.
Despite the steep cost, consumers often turn to credit cards, in part because they are more accessible than other types of loans, Schulz said.
In fact, credit cards are the No. 1 source of unsecured borrowing and Americans’ credit card tab continues to creep higher. In the last year, credit card debt rose to a record $1.21 trillion.
Because credit card lending is unsecured, it is also banks’ riskiest type of lending.
“Lenders adjust interest rates for two primary reasons: cost and risk,” CardRates’ Sandberg said.
The Federal Reserve Bank of New York’s research shows that credit card charge-offs averaged 3.96% of total balances between 2010 and 2023. That compares to only 0.46% and 0.43% for business loans and residential mortgages, respectively.
As a result, roughly 53% of banks’ annual default losses were due to credit card lending, according to the NY Fed research.
“When you offer a product to everyone you are assuming an awful lot of risk,” Schulz said.
Further, “when times get tough they get tough for most everybody,” he added. “That makes it much more challenging for card issuers.”
The best way to pay off debt
The best move for those struggling to pay down revolving credit card debt is to consolidate with a 0% balance transfer card, experts suggest.
“There is enormous competition in the credit card market,” Sandberg said. Because lenders are constantly trying to capture new cardholders, those 0% balance transfer credit card offers are still widely available.
Cards offering 12, 15 or even 24 months with no interest on transferred balances “are basically the best tool in your toolbelt when it comes to knocking down credit card debt,” Schulz said. “Not accruing interest for two years on a balance is pretty hard to argue with.”
Andrew Ross Sorkin speaks with BlackRock CEO Larry Fink during the New York Times DealBook Summit in the Appel Room at the Jazz at Lincoln Center in New York City on Nov. 30, 2022.
In a new letter to investors, Fink writes the traditional allocation comprised of 60% stocks and 40% bonds that dates back to the 1950s “may no longer fully represent true diversification.”
“The future standard portfolio may look more like 50/30/20 — stocks, bonds and private assets like real estate, infrastructure and private credit.” Fink writes.
Most professional investors love to talk their book, and Fink is no exception. BlackRock has pursued several recent acquisitions — Global Infrastructure Partners, Preqin and HPS Investment Partners — with the goal of helping to increase investors’ access to private markets.
The effort to make it easier to incorporate both public and private investments in a portfolio is analogous to index versus active investments in 2009, Fink said.
Those investment strategies that were then considered separately can now be blended easily at a low cost.
Fink hopes the same will eventually be said for public and private markets.
Yet shopping for private investments now can feel “a bit like buying a house in an unfamiliar neighborhood before Zillow existed, where finding accurate prices was difficult or impossible,” Fink writes.
60/40 portfolio still a ‘great starting point’
After both stocks and bonds saw declines in 2022, some analysts declared the 60/40 portfolio strategy dead. In 2024, however, such a balanced portfolio would have provided a return of about 14%.
“If you want to keep things very simple, the 60/40 portfolio or a target date fund is a great starting point,” said Amy Arnott, portfolio strategist at Morningstar.
If you’re willing to add more complexity, you could consider smaller positions in other asset classes like commodities, private equity or private debt, she said.
However, a 20% allocation in private assets is on the aggressive side, Arnott said.
The total value of private assets globally is about $14.3 trillion, while the public markets are worth about $247 trillion, she said.
For investors who want to keep their asset allocations in line with the market value of various asset classes, that would imply a weighting of about 6% instead of 20%, Arnott said.
Yet a 50/30/20 portfolio is a lot closer to how institutional investors have been allocating their portfolios for years, said Michael Rosen, chief investment officer at Angeles Investments.
The 60/40 portfolio, which Rosen previously said reached its “expiration date,” hasn’t been used by his firm’s endowment and foundation clients for decades.
There’s a key reason why. Institutional investors need to guarantee a specific return, also while paying for expenses and beating inflation, Rosen said.
While a 50/30/20 allocation may help deliver “truly outsized returns” to the mass retail market, there’s also a “lot of baggage” that comes with that strategy, Rosen said.
There’s a lack of liquidity, which means those holdings aren’t as easily converted to cash, Rosen said.
What’s more, there’s generally a lack of transparency and significantly higher fees, he said.
Prospective investors should be prepared to commit for 10 years to private investments, Arnott said.
And they also need to be aware that measurement issues with asset classes like private equity means past performance data may not be as reliable, she said.
For the average person, the most likely path toward tapping into private equity will be part of a 401(k) plan, Arnott said. So far, not a lot of companies have added private equity to their 401(k) offerings, but that could change, she said.
“We will probably see more plan sponsors adding private equity options to their lineups going forward,” Arnott said.