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GOP opposition to child tax credit bill could be softening in Senate

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Bipartisan legislation to cut taxes for working families and extend certain corporate tax breaks has stalled in the Senate over Republican opposition. But the bill’s prospects could be growing rosier as lawmakers prepare to return to Washington next week from a long recess.

Privately, some GOP lawmakers have said they’re increasingly willing to support the bill with small changes that the measure’s Democratic sponsor has already offered, according to four people involved in the conversations who spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss private talks.

In a sign of possible momentum, Senate Majority Leader Charles E. Schumer (D-N.Y.) wrote to lawmakers Friday that the upper chamber could consider the bill — along with measures to regulate TikTok, address rail safety and lower health-care costs — “in the weeks and months ahead.”

Once the Senate wraps up impeachment proceedings against Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas, expected to take up most of lawmakers’ time next week, Schumer could put the tax bill to a vote on or shortly after the April 15 tax deadline.

The $79 billion legislation pairs an expansion to the child tax credit — a major priority for President Biden and Democrats that nonpartisan estimates say would lift 400,000 children out of poverty — with business tax incentives initially authorized in 2017 under President Donald Trump.

The Internal Revenue Service has said it could apply the credit retroactively, but lawmakers have still been eyeing the filing deadline as a possible time peg for action on the measure.

It was the product of a deal struck between Sen. Ron Wyden (D-Ore.) and Rep. Jason T. Smith (R-Mo.), the chairs of Congress’s tax-writing committees, after seven months of talks, and it passed the House with broad bipartisan support in January.

The bill has run into opposition from Sen. Mike Crapo (Idaho), Wyden’s Republican counterpart on the Finance Committee, over a provision that would allow low-income families to use a prior year’s return to earn a larger tax credit. Many Republicans have publicly followed Crapo’s lead, hoping to give him more leverage to seek changes to the legislation that dial back the credit for families.

Privately, though, numerous Republican senators say they could support the legislation without some of those changes, but don’t want to outwardly break with a well-liked and powerful member of their caucus, the four people who have discussed the measure with them said.

These people — three lobbyists and a senior GOP Senate staffer who have had in-depth conversations with lawmakers and senior staffers about the bill — said that in private, a sufficient number of Republicans to overcome a filibuster support the legislation, but many of them do not want to cross Crapo and other GOP leaders who hope to extract more concessions from Wyden and Smith.

“The thing that we see differently now is there does not seem to be the willingness that anyone is going roll Crapo,” one of those people said. “That’s pretty clear from Republicans now. We see that the path forward for this bill is that concessions need to be made.”

A left-leaning advocacy group had a similar read.

“We’ve had conversations with over a dozen Republican Senate offices and heard significant support for the bipartisan tax package and enthusiasm both for the [research-and-development] credit as well as for the child tax credit provision,” Adam Ruben, director of Economic Security Project Action. “I would predict that if this comes to a vote, I think the votes are there. … Will it come to a vote [and overcome a GOP filibuster threat] is another question.”

Wyden offered to alter the legislation to address some of Crapo’s concerns, swapping out the “look back” section and instead further expanding eligibility for the poorest families who qualify for the credit. Crapo rejected that offer: He has said negotiations with Wyden were “at a standstill.”

“The issue set is the same issue set that’s been out there for a couple of weeks now,” Crapo told The Washington Post before Congress went on recess at the end of March.

Ultimately, public support for the bill hinges on Crapo’s stance in negotiations, the people and multiple lawmakers said. Lawmakers say Crapo, who is in line to chair the Finance Committee if Republicans retake the Senate in November’s elections, is eyeing a larger tax package in 2025 that could contain more conservative policies and hopes to use the prospect of a GOP-written tax plan next year to extract more changes from Wyden — or defeat the measure entirely.

Trillions of dollars in tax cuts enacted under Trump are slated to expire at the end of 2025, which means Congress will probably be working on tax policy next year regardless of who wins the elections.

“I think Crapo wants to make it better,” Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-S.C.) said. “I like to help people raising children with the child tax credit, and there’s a bunch of other business things in there that I hear a lot about from my constituents. But with work requirements, there’s some things that Crapo wants to do and I sort of trust his judgment.”

Another key Republican, Sen. Mike Rounds (S.D.), echoed that sentiment.

“I have spoken with our ranking member, Mike Crapo, and I don’t think it’s ready for prime time yet,” Rounds said. “I think they’re still negotiating. But I’ll take my cue right now based on what his analysis is.”

Wyden is still offering to drop the ability for taxpayers to use a previous year’s return to quality if it will draw Republicans on board.

“While I think the policy is important, I’ve offered to take it out of the bill if it gets this over the finish line,” he said during a committee hearing in late March. “Working with groups, we have found a way to do this and still lift the same number of kids out of poverty. As of this morning, my offer on the look back is still on the table.”

Some key Republicans hope Wyden succeeds. A high-profile Finance Committee member, Sen. Todd Young (R-Ind.), urged Senate leaders to move forward even if Crapo cannot secure more changes to the legislation. And a member of GOP leadership, Sen. Steve Daines (Mont.), has said the bill even without changes was “very important for global competitiveness” because of the corporate tax provisions.

The new legislation would expand the child tax credit to allow low-income families to claim the benefit for multiple children; under current law, the lowest-earning families can only receive the credit for one child. Starting in 2025, for the 2024 tax year, the benefit would be linked to inflation, which would add up to a roughly $100 boost next year.

The proposed larger refundable tax credits for more low-income parents could lift 400,000 children out of poverty, according to nonpartisan estimates. And Democrats and Republicans alike have cheered provisions that would allow businesses to write off research-and-development and interest expenses and investments in new equipment.

The tax credit was expanded temporarily in 2021, increasing the amount it provided and extending eligibility. Those changes kept 3 million children out of poverty, according to research conducted by Columbia University’s Center on Poverty & Social Policy. But the expansion expired at the end of 2021, and child poverty rates jumped back up after that.

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Why tax-loss harvesting can be easier with ETFs

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Despite a strong year for the stock market, you could still be sitting on portfolio losses. But you can leverage down assets to score a tax break, experts say.

The tactic, known as “tax-loss harvesting,” involves selling losing brokerage account assets to claim a loss. When you file your taxes, you can use those losses to offset portfolio gains. Once your investment losses exceed profits, you can use the excess to reduce regular income by up to $3,000 per year.

“Tax-loss harvesting is a tried and true strategy to lower investors’ tax bills,” said certified financial planner David Flores Wilson, managing partner at Sincerus Advisory in New York. 

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After offsetting $3,000 in regular income, investors can carry any additional losses forward into future years to offset capital gains or income.

“Investors can benefit substantially over time” by tax-loss harvesting consistently throughout the year, Wilson said.

What to know about the wash sale rule

Tax-loss harvesting can be simple when you’re eager to offload a losing asset. But it’s tricky when you still want exposure to that asset.

That’s because of guidelines from the IRS known as the “wash sale rule,” which blocks you from claiming the tax break on losses if you rebuy a “substantially identical” asset within the 30-day window before or after the sale.

In other words, you can’t sell a losing asset to claim a loss and then immediately repurchase the same investment. 

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Ultimately, the IRS definition of “substantially identical” isn’t black and white and “depends on the facts and circumstances” of your case, according to the agency.

When in doubt, consider reviewing your plan with an advisor or tax professional to make sure you’re safe from violating the wash sale rule.

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Older voters prioritized personal economic issues on Election Day: AARP

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Voters line up to cast their ballots at a voting location in Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, on Nov. 5, 2024.

Samuel Corum | Afp | Getty Images

When asked, “Are you better off today than you were four years ago?” the answer for many older voters ages 50 and over was “no,” according to a new post-election poll released by the AARP.

Almost half — 47% — of voters ages 50 and over said they are “worse off now,” the research found, while more than half — 55% — of swing voters in that age cohort said the same.

In competitive Congressional districts, President-elect Donald Trump won the 50 and over vote by two percentage points — the same margin by which he carried the country, AARP found.

Among voters 50 to 64, Trump won by seven points. With voters ages 65 and over, Vice President Kamala Harris won by two points.

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The AARP commissioned Fabrizio Ward and Impact Research, a bipartisan team of Republican and Democrat firms providing public opinion research and consulting, to conduct the survey. Interviews were conducted with 2,348 “likely voters” in targeted congressional districts following Election Day between Nov. 6 and 10.

Older voters, who make up an outsized share of the vote and tend to lean Republican, made a difference in a lot of key congressional races, according to Bob Ward, a Republican pollster and partner at Fabrizio Ward.

“Overall, 50-plus voters really are what delivered Republicans their majority,” Ward said.

Older swing voters focused on pocketbook issues

When asked “How worried are you about your personal financial situation?” in a June AARP survey, 62% of voters ages 50 and over checked the worry box, while 63% of voters overall did the same.

Voters continued to place an emphasis on their money concerns on Election Day, the latest AARP poll found.

“All these surveys that we conducted for AARP spoke to a lack of economic security for people,” said Jeff Liszt, partner at Impact Research.

“The shock of inflation had left them without a feeling of security,” he said.

For voters ages 50 and over, food ranked as the top cost concern, with 39%, the poll found. That was followed by health care and prescription drugs, with 20%; housing, 14%; gasoline, 10%; and electricity, 6%.

More than half — 55% — of voters ages 50 and up said they prioritized personal economic issues, including inflation, the economy and jobs, and Social Security when determining their vote.

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Older swing voters were more likely to turn out at the polls due to those pocketbook issues than any other priorities, the poll found.  

Republicans won older voters on most personal economic issues, though voters ages 50 and up still favored Democrats on Social Security by two points.  

Democrats have traditionally had a stronger lead on Social Security, Ward said, while the poll results show it is now “completely up for grabs.”

“Looking at the midterms, whether I’m Republican or Democrat … this is going to be an issue I want to win on,” Ward said.

Voters 50 and over broadly support Medicare negotiating prescription drug prices, as well as policies to help the older population age at home. Non-financial issues such as immigration and border security and threats to democracy were also among top concerns for some older voters.

Social Security reform may be bigger focus

While both presidential candidates promised to protect Social Security on the campaign trail, they did not provide plans to restore the program’s solvency.

The trust fund Social Security relies on to pay benefits is projected to run dry in 2033, at which point 79% of those benefits will be payable.

“What’s absolutely clear is that there’s an action-forcing event that we’re getting closer to, and that at some point Congress is going to have to act,” said Nancy Altman, president of Social Security Works, an advocacy group focused on expanding the program.

While Trump has touted plans to eliminate taxes on Social Security benefits, research has found that would worsen the program’s insolvency. The House voted this week to eliminate rules that reduce Social Security benefits for certain people who have pension income, which would also add to the program’s costs.

For most Americans, Social Security is the primary source of retirement income, according to the AARP. About 42% of people ages 65 and over rely on the program for at least 50% of their incomes; about 20% rely on it for at least 90% of their incomes.

Like Social Security, Medicare also faces a looming trust fund depletion for the Part A program that covers hospital insurance.

“We want to ensure that we’re protecting Medicare, Social Security and that it’s done in a fiscally responsible way,” AARP CEO Dr. Myechia Minter-Jordan told CNBC in a recent interview.

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Here’s what to expect on mortgage rates into early 2025

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Mortgage rates seem to have steadied. That may be a good sign for the market, experts say.

The average 30-year fixed rate mortgage in the U.S. slightly dipped to 6.78% for the week ending Nov. 14, barely changed from 6.79% a week prior, according to Freddie Mac data via the Federal Reserve.

“Even though it’s higher than it has been over the course of several weeks, it’s probably good news for homebuyers,” said Jessica Lautz, deputy chief economist and vice president of research at the National Association of Realtors. 

“When rates are moving around a lot, it makes a lot of uncertainty in the market,” Lautz said. 

Mortgage rates declined this fall in anticipation of the first interest rate cut since March 2020. But then borrowing costs jumped again this month as the bond market reacted to Donald Trump’s election win.

While the president-elect has talked about bringing mortgage rates down, presidents do not control borrowing costs for home loans, experts say.

Instead, mortgage rates closely track Treasury yields and are partially affected by what happens with the federal funds rate.

“They foresee inflationary policies, whether it’s tariffs or greater government spending, the tax bill … they’re pricing in more inflation,” said James Tobin, president and CEO of the National Association of Home Builders. “As the bond market reacts, mortgage rates are going to react to that, too.”

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Less volatility can be a good sign, said Chen Zhao, Chief economist at Redfin, an online real estate brokerage.

“High volatility by itself actually pushes mortgage rates even higher above treasury yields,” Zhao said. “More stable rates also means that homebuyers don’t have to worry during their home search about what their budget allows for changing.”

Trump’s team did not respond to a request for comment.

Don’t expect ‘huge swings’ on mortgage rates

Election uncertainty contributed to an upward swing in mortgage rates during October. Then rates went up even more last week as the stock market and yields reacted to the election results.

The 10-year Treasury yield jumped 15 basis points on Nov. 6, closing to trade at 4.43%, hitting its highest level since July, as investors bet a Trump presidency would increase economic growth, along with fiscal spending. The yield on the 2-year Treasury was up by 0.073 basis point to 4.276% that day, reaching its highest level since July 31.

But now that we have a president-elect, mortgage rates are expected to gradually come down over time, Lautz said.

From a monetary policy standpoint, future rate cuts are up in the air. Federal Reserve Chairman Jerome Powell said on Thursday that strong U.S. economic growth will allow policymakers to take their time in deciding how far and how fast to lower interest rates.

If the Fed continues to ease the federal funds rate, it could provide indirect downward pressure on mortgage rates, according to NAHB chief economist Robert Dietz.

“However, improved growth expectations would lead to higher rates, as would larger government deficits,” he said.

Experts say that mortgage rates might head into a “bumpy” or “volatile” path over the next year.

“I don’t think that there’s going to be any huge swings down into the 5% range,” Lautz said. “Our expectation is that rates are going to be in the 6% range as we move into 2025,” she said.

How buyers, sellers and homeowners can benefit

Rates that are trending lower can present an opportunity for buyers who have been house hunting for a while, especially as the winter season kicks in. Competition tends to slow down in the winter months in part because homebuyers with kids are in the middle of the school year and reluctant to move, Lautz explained. 

Our expectation is that rates are going to be in the 6% range as we move into 2025.

Jessica Lautz

Jessica Lautz, deputy chief economist and vice president of research at the National Association of Realtors

Current homeowners can also make the most of lower rates.

For example, if you bought your home around this time last year, when mortgage rates peaked at around 8%, you might benefit from a mortgage refinance, Lautz said. 

It “makes sense” to consider a refinance if rates have fallen one to two points since you took out the loan, Jeff Ostrowski, a housing expert at Bankrate.com, told CNBC after the Fed’s first rate cut this fall.

Remember that a loan refinance isn’t free; you may incur associated costs like closing costs, an appraisal and title insurance. While the total cost will depend on your area, a refi is going to cost between 2% and 6% of the loan amount, Jacob Channel, an economist at LendingTree, said at that time.

If you’re pondering on whether to refi or not, look at what’s going on with rates, reach out to lenders and see if refinancing makes sense for you, experts say.

Homeowners have earned record home equity. U.S. homeowners with mortgages have a net homeowner equity of over $17.6 trillion in the second quarter of 2024, according to CoreLogic. Home equity increased in the second quarter of this year by $1.3 trillion, an 8.0% growth from a year prior.

If you’re looking to sell your current home, you may be able to counteract slightly high borrowing costs on your next property by placing a larger down payment, Lautz said.

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