Accounting
How American tax breaks brought a Chinese solar energy giant to Ohio
Nestled among the corn fields of Pataskala, Ohio, Illuminate USA’s sprawling new solar factory is buzzing. Hundreds of freshly hired local employees are hoisting pallets, soldering equipment and inspecting their work as sheets of glass are transformed into state-of-the-art photovoltaic panels. They’re collecting hourly wages that start at double the state minimum. The factory has also delivered contracts to area electricians and suppliers.
From the outside, these are the hallmarks of the 21st century clean energy manufacturing boom promised by the Biden administration, the result of sweeping incentives designed to restore national prowess in a market dominated by China.
In reality, what looks like a domestic triumph is also a win for America’s primary industrial and geopolitical rival. Invenergy, America’s biggest private renewable power developer, owns 51% of the plant. Longi Green Energy Technology Co., the Chinese solar giant, owns the other 49%, and it’s Longi’s panel-making expertise, technology and supply chain that are churning out tariff-free equipment for the U.S. market.
Inside the plant, signs in both English and Mandarin admonish workers to clean up trash. Machine displays also toggle between the two languages. More than 100 Chinese nationals are on site working alongside more than 1,000 American colleagues, and bridging the language barrier requires lots of hand gestures and smartphone-enabled translation. Illuminate says much of this is temporary, and most of the Chinese workers will leave once the Americans are up to speed.
But long after they return home, Longi will continue to profit. The joint venture benefits from millions in economic development incentives and federal tax credits for domestic clean energy manufacturing. For its part, Longi avoids anti-China tariffs and deepens its foothold in one of the
Companies based in or linked to China are replicating the strategy across the U.S. They are building or planning to build at least a dozen plants with 30 gigawatts of module-making capacity, according to a Bloomberg review of public statements, filings and other documentation. All told, the facilities would be able to supply roughly three-quarters of today’s U.S. panel needs. (BloombergNEF projects U.S. domestic demand for solar panels will be 45.5 gigawatts in 2024 and 50.4 gigawatts in 2025.)
American manufacturers are crying foul, saying these factories undermine their quest to build a domestic solar supply chain. Although other countries have taken advantage of the IRA’s subsidies, political objections have focused on Chinese investment. Bipartisan momentum is building in Congress to block China-backed firms from claiming tax credits for manufacturing anything central to the energy transition — a category that extends beyond solar panels to electric vehicles and batteries.
In Ohio, retired middle-school science teacher Eileen DeRolf has become an outspoken critic of Illuminate and the policies that brought it to Pataskala. She points to a 15-year tax abatement from the city and $4 million in incentives from a state economic development agency, to say nothing of the $350 million in potential annual tax subsidies from the Inflation Reduction Act.
“To me, this is betraying America, to allow an uneven playing field,” DeRolf said. “I happen to not particularly want our geopolitical No. 1 enemy to benefit off our economic system.”
Illuminate and its American and Chinese parent companies see it differently. They point to an influx of well-paying jobs and to a resurrection of manufacturing in a fast-growing sector of the economy.
“We’re a majority-owned American company,” said John Duer, Illuminate’s chief legal officer. “We have a minority partner based in China. We’re not a Chinese company trying to do business in the U.S.”
Executives at Invenergy and Longi had been talking about collaborating for years, but it took the Inflation Reduction Act — the 2022 law meant to jumpstart U.S. clean energy manufacturing — to spur them to action. Less than seven months after President Joe Biden signed the IRA, they
In addition to the tax credits Illuminate can claim for its U.S.-made panels, its parent companies reap significant benefits from the tie-up. Invenergy is the factory’s first and biggest customer, earning additional credits for using domestically produced components in its solar arrays. And Longi, like other Chinese panel-makers, brings advantages gained through decades of experience and generous support from Beijing.
In addition, the industry has been dogged by allegations that some suppliers
What no one disputes is that today Chinese companies dominate the market for solar panels and all of their component parts.
For environmental advocates, China’s cheap panels have been a boon, driving a more than 50-fold increase in emissions-free solar power generation globally since 2010. But to American rivals, something more nefarious was at work. They argued Chinese solar companies were selling their products below cost to unfairly corner the market, and trade authorities agreed, kicking off a cycle of tariffs meant to level the playing field.
Today, steep U.S. tariffs have effectively killed domestic demand for made-in-China solar panels. Companies, including Longi, first responded by shifting operations to other Asian nations, spurring another round of trade probes and enforcement. By producing panels in Ohio, Longi steps out of this game of
(The estimate is based on the average price in September for panels exported to the U.S. ($0.25 per watt), Longi’s share of Illuminate’s planned annual production capacity (5GW) and a potential combined antidumping and countervailing duty rate for Malaysian modules exported to the U.S. of 25%. Note: Any final
Combined with the incentives from the IRA, Longi and other panel-makers can “make huge profits,” said Yana Hryshko, chief solar analyst at consulting group Wood Mackenzie. After surviving two decades of industry turbulence, these “are not stupid companies,” she said. “They will not make a move without being confident.”
On a June Friday morning, job-seekers started to gather at the Perry County, Ohio, career center well before Illuminate’s recruitment event was scheduled to begin. Many of the plant’s workers come from outside Pataskala, including areas hit hard by the collapse of coal mining.
A job at the plant would mean a longer commute for Tricia Tilley, a 47-year-old janitor and church secretary. It would also nearly double her income and provide health insurance for her and her teenage son.
As for the company’s ties to China? “I know they’re from another country, but they’re here trying to put money into our country,” she said. “As long as it’s a good job and they’re paying everybody — keeping on the up-and-up — I don’t see any problem with it. Follow the rules like everybody else, we’re cool.”
Right now, Illuminate depends on the expertise of Chinese workers who’ve spent years handling specialized module-making machinery and brittle crystalline silicon cells. For many, it’s their first time outside of China, drawn by higher salaries and a sense of adventure.
“We’re here just to teach the American workers,” said Li, a production line technician who asked to be identified by her family name because she wasn’t authorized to speak to reporters. “When they can start a production line by themselves, there’ll be no need for us to be here anymore.”
Li’s days begin with a video chat around 5 a.m., a chance to talk with her children in China before a company shuttle takes her from suburban Columbus to the factory. Many of the Chinese workers at Illuminate work 12-hour shifts, six days a week, logging 60% more hours every month than the plant’s typical American employees.
Longi’s expats went through language training, though most rely on translators to communicate with their trainees. They also got a crash course in American culture, with advice to avoid commenting on race, skin color or body type. Li said her American colleagues have been kind.
“I hadn’t been out of China before. Now I get to come out and take a look,” she said. Li pegged her timeline at “two or three years. After that I’ll go back. Then I can say I’m a person who has been to the United States!”
Illuminate is leaning into its heartland identity. Its website touts its role “investing in Ohio” and “onshoring America’s supply chains.” It’s partnering with local high schools for a robotics challenge and also has sponsored the
DeRolf and other local skeptics deride these efforts as a charm offensive, albeit an effective one. It’s made it “ever so much more difficult to get this town and the people to pay attention to what we’ve got in that building,” DeRolf said.
Like DeRolf, activists in Mesquite, Texas, are taking aim at a $270 million plant that began producing panels late last year. Some 1,400 Texans now work at the factory owned by Canadian Solar Inc. — and while the company’s corporate headquarters are in Ontario, most of its directors and much of its manufacturing reside in China.
Foreign direct investment has always been critical to countries trying to build domestic industry. In the late 1990s, China, for its part, welcomed Western automakers, providing access to its growing market while learning from their decades of experience.
“Most of the companies that are building solar panels right now that have the know-how or skills are Chinese,” said Ilaria Mazzocco, a senior fellow at the Center for Strategic and International Studies. They also have well-established supply chains outside the U.S. At Illuminate, for example, panels are made with photovoltaic cells and glass from Malaysia and aluminum frames from Vietnam.
Many key materials aren’t yet produced domestically, and Illuminate says it’s actively working to expand its U.S. supply base.
The promise of the Inflation Reduction Act was that “you’re restoring the American industrial base,” said Nathan Picarsic, the founder of consulting group Horizon Advisory, which has investigated Chinese supply chain dominance and the use of forced labor. But as more Chinese-backed solar companies operate on U.S. soil, it betrays “the story that we’re telling ourselves about the manufacturing renaissance.”
The clash reverberates beyond solar to the fast-growing field of electric vehicles and battery manufacturing, also subsidized by the Inflation Reduction Act. In rural northwest Michigan, the town government is opposing an electric vehicle battery factory planned by a subsidiary of China’s
In Virginia, Governor Glenn Youngkin discouraged Ford Motor Co.’s interest in building an electric vehicle battery plant with China’s Contemporary Amperex Technology Co. Ltd. in the state, calling it a “
Licensing is one way the U.S. can tap Chinese manufacturing expertise and technical know-how while retaining more control over operations, said Mazzocco. Regardless, the issue is a flashpoint for politicians — and is fueling bipartisan efforts in Congress to bar companies with ties to China and other so-called “foreign entities of concern” from claiming the IRA’s manufacturing tax incentives. (It’s also a way lawmakers could try to offset spending in the next budget fight.) The Treasury Department could also move unilaterally to impose restrictions on what projects qualify for the credit.
Cory Ford, a school bus mechanic in the Pataskala area, doesn’t share his community’s embrace of the Illuminate plant. He doesn’t want U.S. taxpayer dollars to benefit Chinese industry; he’s also concerned that the firms could leave as quickly as they arrived. After all, Chinese companies have become expert at rapidly relocating in response to unfavorable tariffs or taxation.
“We’ve given so much in subsidies and government funding,” he said. “When that runs dry, how quickly is that building going to empty out?” And, he asks, what happens to the local American workers left behind?
Illuminate isn’t going anywhere, Duer said, even if Washington puts the manufacturing subsidies outside of reach: “We would adjust. Nothing is fatal. Nothing can’t be overcome. The fact of the matter is, we’re here to stay.”
Senate Republicans unveiled a budget blueprint designed to fast-track a renewal of President Donald Trump’s tax cuts and an increase to the nation’s borrowing limit, ahead of a planned vote on the resolution later this week.
The Senate
Republicans say they are assuming that the cost of extending the expiring 2017 Trump tax cuts will cost zero dollars.
The draft is a sign that divisions within the Senate GOP over the size and scope of spending cuts to offset tax reductions are closer to being resolved.
Lawmakers, however, have yet to face some of the most difficult decisions, including which spending to cut and which tax reductions to prioritize. That will be negotiated in the coming weeks after both chambers approve identical budget resolutions unlocking the process.
The Senate budget plan would also increase the debt ceiling by up to $5 trillion, compared with the $4 trillion hike in the House plan. Senate Republicans say they want to ensure that Congress does not need to vote on the debt ceiling again before the 2026 midterm elections.
“This budget resolution unlocks the process to permanently extend proven, pro-growth tax policy,” Senate Finance Chairman Mike Crapo, an Idaho Republican, said.
The blueprint is the latest in a multi-step legislative process for Republicans to pass a renewal of Trump’s tax cuts through Congress. The bill will renew the president’s 2017 reductions set to expire at the end of this year, which include lower rates for households and deductions for privately held businesses.
Republicans are also hoping to include additional tax measures to the bill, including raising the state and local tax deduction cap and some of Trump’s campaign pledges to eliminate taxes on certain categories of income, including tips and overtime pay.
The plan would allow for the debt ceiling hike to be vote on separately from the rest of the tax and spending package. That gives lawmakers flexibility to move more quickly on the debt ceiling piece if a federal default looms before lawmakers can agree on the tax package.
Political realities
Senate Majority Leader John Thune told reporters on Wednesday, after meeting with Trump at the White House to discuss the tax blueprint, that he’s not sure yet if he has the votes to pass the measure.
Thune in a statement said the budget has been blessed by the top Senate ruleskeeper but Democrats said that it is still vulnerable to being challenged later.
The biggest differences in the Senate budget from the competing House plan are in the directives for spending cuts, a reflection of divisions among lawmakers over reductions to benefit programs, including Medicaid and food stamps.
The Senate plan pares back a House measure that calls for at least $2 trillion in spending reductions over a decade, a massive reduction that would likely mean curbing popular entitlement programs.
The Senate GOP budget grants significantly more flexibility. It instructs key committees that oversee entitlement programs to come up with at least $4 billion in cuts. Republicans say they expect the final tax package to contain much larger curbs on spending.
The Senate budget would also allow $150 billion in new spending for the military and $175 billion for border and immigration enforcement.
If the minimum spending cuts are achieved along with the maximum tax cuts, the plan would add $5.8 trillion in new deficits over 10 years, according to the Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget.
The Senate is planning a vote on the plan in the coming days. Then it goes to the House for a vote as soon as next week. There, it could face opposition from spending hawks like South Carolina’s Ralph Norman, who are signaling they want more aggressive cuts.
House Speaker Mike Johnson can likely afford just two or three defections on the budget vote given his slim majority and unified Democratic opposition.
Financial advisors and clients worried about stock volatility and inflation can climb bond ladders to safety — but they won’t find any, if those steps lead to a place with higher taxes.
The choice of asset location for bond ladders in a client portfolio can prove so important that some wealthy customers holding them in a taxable brokerage account may wind up losing money in an inflationary period due to the payments to Uncle Sam,
“Thats going to be the No. 1 concern about, where is the optimal place to hold them,” Spranger said in an interview. “One of our primary objectives for a bond portfolio is to smooth out that volatility. … We’re trying to reduce risk with the bond portfolio, not increase risks.”
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The ‘peculiarly bad location’ for a bond ladder
Risk-averse planners, then, could likely predict the conclusion of the working academic paper, which was
“Few planners will be surprised to learn that locating a TIPS ladder in a taxable account leads to phantom income and excess payment of tax, with a consequent reduction in after-tax real spending power,” McQuarrie writes. “Some may be surprised to learn just how baleful that mistake in account location can be, up to and including negative payouts in the early years for high tax brackets and very high rates of inflation. In the worst cases, more is due in tax than the ladder payout provides. And many will be surprised to learn how rapidly the penalty for choosing the wrong asset location increases at higher rates of inflation — precisely the motivation for setting up a TIPS ladder in the first place. Perhaps the most surprising result of all was the discovery that excess tax payments in the early years are never made up. [Original issue discount] causes a dead loss.”
The Roth account may look like a healthy alternative, since the clients wouldn’t owe any further taxes on distributions from them in retirement. But the bond ladder would defeat the whole purpose of that vehicle, McQuarrie writes.
“Planners should recognize that a Roth account is a peculiarly bad location for a bond ladder, whether real or nominal,” he writes. “Ladders are decumulation tools designed to provide a stream of distributions, which the Roth account does not otherwise require. Locating a bond ladder in the Roth thus forfeits what some consider to be one of the most valuable features of the Roth account. If the bond ladder is the only asset in the Roth, then the Roth itself will have been liquidated as the ladder reaches its end.”
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RMD advantages
That means that the Treasury inflation-protected securities ladder will add the most value to portfolios in a tax-deferred account (TDA), which McQuarrie acknowledges is not a shocking recommendation to anyone familiar with them. On the other hand, some planners with clients who need to
“More interesting is the demonstration that the after-tax real income received from a TIPS ladder located in a TDA does not vary with the rate of inflation, in contrast to what happens in a taxable account,” McQuarrie writes. “Also of note was the ability of most TIPS ladders to handle the RMDs due, and, at higher rates of inflation, to shelter other assets from the need to take RMDs.”
The
“If TIPS yields are attractive when the ladder is set up, distributions from the ladder will typically satisfy RMDs on the ladder balance throughout the 30 years,” McQuarrie writes. “The higher the inflation experienced, the greater the surplus coverage, allowing other assets in the account to be sheltered in part from RMDs by means of the TIPS ladder payout. However, if TIPS yields are borderline unattractive at ladder set up, and if the ladder proved unnecessary because inflation fell to historically low levels, then there may be a shortfall in RMD coverage in the middle years, requiring either that TIPS bonds be sold prematurely, or that other assets in the TDA be tapped to cover the RMD.”
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The key takeaways on bond ladders
Other caveats to the strategies revolve around any possible state taxes on withdrawals or any number of client circumstances ruling out a universal recommendation. The main message of McQuarrie’s study serves as a warning against putting the ladder in a taxable brokerage account.
“Unsurprisingly, the higher the client’s tax rate, the worse the outcomes from locating a TIPS ladder in taxable when inflation rages,” he writes. “High-bracket taxpayers who accurately foresee a surge in future inflation, and take steps to defend against it, but who make the mistake of locating their TIPS ladder in taxable, can end up paying more in tax to the government than is received from the TIPS ladder during the first year or two.”
For municipal or other types of tax-exempt bonds, though, a taxable account is “the optimal place,” Spranger said. Convertible Treasury or corporate bonds show more similarity with the Treasury inflation-protected securities in that their ideal location is in a tax-deferred account, he noted.
Regardless, bonds act as a crucial core to a client’s portfolio, tamping down on the risk of volatility and sensitivity to interest rates. And the right ladder strategies yield more reliable future rates of returns for clients than a bond ETF or mutual fund, Spranger said.
“We’re strong proponents of using individual bonds, No. 1 so that we can create bond ladders, but, most importantly, for the certainty that individual bonds provide,” he said.
Loan applicants and mortgage companies often rely on an Internal Revenue Service that’s dramatically downsizing to help facilitate the lending process, but they may be in luck.
That’s because the division responsible for the main form used to allow consumers to authorize the release of income-tax information to lenders is tied to essential IRS operations.
The Income Verification Express Service could be insulated from what NMN affiliate Accounting Today has described of
“It’s unlikely that IVES will be impacted due to association within submission processing,” said Curtis Knuth, president and CEO of NCS, a consumer reporting agency. “Processing tax returns and collecting revenue is the core function and purpose of the IRS.”
Knuth is a member of the IVES participant working group, which is comprised of representatives from companies that facilitate processing of 4506-C forms used to request tax transcripts for mortgages. Those involved represent a range of company sizes and business models.
The IRS has planned to slash thousands of jobs and make billions of dollars of cuts that are still in process, some of which have been successfully challenged in court.
While the current cuts might not be a concern for processing the main form of tax transcript requests this time around, there have been past issues with it in other situations like 2019’s lengthy
President Trump recently signed a continuing funding resolution
The mortgage industry will likely have an additional option it didn’t have in 2019 if another extended deadlock on the budget emerges and impedes processing of the central tax transcript form.
“It absolutely affected closings, because you couldn’t get the transcripts. You couldn’t get anybody on the phone,” said Phil Crescenzo Jr., vice president of National One Mortgage Corp.’s Southeast division.
There is an automated, free way for consumers to release their transcripts that may still operate when there are issues with the 4506-C process, which has a $4 surcharge. However, the alternative to the 4506-C form is less straightforward and objective as it’s done outside of the mortgage process, requiring a separate logon and actions.
Some of the most recent IRS cuts have targeted technology jobs and could have an impact on systems, so it’s also worth noting that another option lenders have sometimes elected to use is to allow loans temporarily move forward when transcript access is interrupted and verified later.
There is a risk to waiting for verification or not getting it directly from the IRS, however, as government-related agencies hold mortgage lenders responsible for the accuracy of borrower income information. That risk could increase if loan performance issues become more prevalent.
Currently, tax transcripts primarily come into play for government-related loans made to contract workers, said Crescenzo.
“That’s the only receipt that you have for a self-employed client’s income to know it’s valid,” he said.
The home affordability crunch and rise of gig work like Uber driving has increased interest in these types of mortgages, he said.
Contract workers can alternatively seek financing from the private non-qualified mortgage market where bank statements could be used to verify self-employment income, but Crescenzo said that has disadvantages related to government-related loans.
“Non QM requires higher downpayments and interest rates than traditional financing,” he said.
In the next couple years, regional demand for loans based on self-employment income could rise given the federal job cuts planned broadly at public agencies, depending on the extent to which court challenges to them go through.
Those potential borrowers will find it difficult to get new mortgages until they can establish more of a track record with their new sources of income, in most cases two years from a tax filing perspective.
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