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The Biden administration pursued a mistaken policy on LNG exports

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“WE CAN NOW assess the future of natural gas exports based on the facts.” So declared Jennifer Granholm, America’s outgoing energy secretary, in a statement published on December 17th. It accompanied a research report from the Department of Energy (DoE) on the implications of increased exports of American liquefied natural gas (LNG). Despite her reassuring tone, this was a sharp-elbowed effort to place an obstacle in the way of the incoming Trump administration.

Economics

The beginning of the end of the Trump era

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THE MOST jarring difference between Donald Trump’s first and second inaugurations will be the setting. Eight years ago he spoke in front of the Capitol building on a relatively mild January day, but frigid temperatures have pushed the ceremony inside for the first time in 40 years. A closer look at plans for this scaled-back event also offers hints at some of the profound contrasts between 2017 and 2025.

Mr Trump’s vice-president will be sworn in first. Last time he had at his side the steady hand of Mike Pence, a living embodiment of the orthodoxies of Reagan Republicanism. Mr Pence had spent more than a decade in the House of Representatives before serving as governor of Indiana for four years. He knew the ways of Washington and was friendly with all of the party’s core constituencies: free marketeers, social conservatives and foreign-policy hawks. His choice was a sign of humility from Mr Trump meant to reassure his party after a hostile takeover.

His choice this time around sent the opposite message. J.D. Vance, 40-years-old, has half as much experience as Mr Trump as an elected official in Washington. He spent his brief time in the Senate challenging the foundations of Republican thought on international relations and economics. His elevation is a sign that Mr Trump is self-assured enough to not need a guide so much as an attack dog and loyal servant—something he believes Mr Pence was not in the aftermath of the 2020 election.

Others who will be present—or at least those invited before the guest list was radically reduced—are evidence of the great paradox of Mr Trump’s second term. While he is less constrained, he takes office with much of America and the world seemingly less anxious about him in power.

Mr Trump was something of an international oddity in 2016. Some, like the prime minister of Japan, swiftly adapted to the new reality and visited Mr Trump in New York. This time Mr Trump has a broader international fan base. Javier Milei, the president of Argentina, plans to attend, along with Italy’s prime minister, Giorgia Meloni. The Chinese Communist Party will send the country’s vice-president, and India’s foreign minister will be there as well. Mr Trump had been conducting shadow foreign policy for weeks—with his advisers playing a role in the Gaza ceasefire—so it comes as no surprise to see such a broad guest list from abroad.

The American public’s reaction also has been starkly different. Rather than the palpable sense of dread apparent in January 2017, the streets are filled with tourists and there are parties taking place throughout the city. Organisers of an anti-Trump protest in Washington had hoped some 50,000 people might show up; around 5,000 did. Snoop Dogg, once a Trump critic, performed at the Crypto Ball (the president-elect, naturally, launched a new cryptocurrency the same day, called $TRUMP). The below-freezing temperatures should help to maintain this collective shrug from Mr Trump’s detractors. While the streets will probably be quiet, the rotunda, where Mr Trump will be sworn in, will be packed tight with America’s elite.

Mr Trump is at the peak of his power, before he has had to do anything unpopular, or disappoint any of the factions competing for his attention. Mark Zuckerberg, Jeff Bezos and Elon Musk—all open Trump critics during the first term—have struck friendlier notes and are set to attend the inauguration. Even Bill Gates recently said he was “impressed” with the new president. Towards the end of the campaign, Forbes estimated that Kamala Harris had support from 83 billionaires to Mr Trump’s 52. Since winning, many business titans have been more open. “Everybody wants to be my friend,” Mr Trump observed in December. No doubt he is aware that much of this is self-interest as his administration is set to write new regulations and retire old ones, all of which could directly affect profit margins.

Also in attendance will be Mike Johnson, the House speaker, and John Thune, the Senate majority leader. For all his rage against the deep state and his own advisers who he believed undermined him last time around, Mr Trump also had his fair share of scuffles with Congress. More deftly handling the politicians on the other end of Pennsylvania Avenue will be as important for the Trump agenda as his war against the entrenched bureaucracy.

Here Mr Trump has made more effort in the run up to his second term. He personally intervened to ensure Mr Johnson remained speaker, and he has hosted various factions of Congress at Mar-a-Lago to talk strategy. Mr Trump is always unpredictable, but co-ordination has improved. For example, some executive actions may be delayed so that revenue savings can be passed by Congress and counted against revenue losses from tax-cut extensions. This may be the fate of Joe Biden’s ill-conceived executive order on student-loan bailouts.That does not mean the beginning of the new presidency will be quiet: expect a flurry of executive orders on immigration and trade right away.

Yet Mr Biden also issued plenty of executive orders on day one. Looking at them now–the reversal of the Muslim ban, the Covid-19 eviction moratorium, the whole-of-government initiative on racial equity–is like finding a time capsule buried in 2020. It is also a reminder that lasting change cannot be made by presidential fiat. To endure, policies need backing from Congress.

And while the Republican Party is very much outwardly MAGA—and agrees on cutting taxes, restricting immigration and bolstering energy production—many pre-Trump orthodoxies prevail. As he works with Congress, Mr Trump may find himself giving way to policies that don’t seem particularly revolutionary. “The striking thing about Republicans in Congress now is that they’re pretty recognisable” when compared to their Obama-era predecessors, argues Yuval Levin, a senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute, a think-tank, and alumnus of George W. Bush’s administration. “They haven’t changed as much as you would think, given how different Trump is from where Republicans have been before.”

The Senate will also play its traditional role of slowing down an ambitious president’s goals; it’s entirely possible that only Marco Rubio, nominee for secretary of state, will be approved on the first day of the Trump administration. Matt Gaetz, the controversial pick for attorney general, already saw his nomination collapse. Others could too, depending how they fare in their hearings.

Mr Trump will move rapidly; the question is whether his policy changes stick. The beginning of the end of the Trump era will kick off with large-scale deportations on Tuesday, once the inauguration festivities have come to a close. Once the initial shock and awe have worn off, it will be on Mr Trump to fight tougher battles of persuasion to create a real legacy.

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deeply unpopular despite growth and jobs

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US President Joe Biden delivers his farewell address to the nation from the Oval Office of the White House in Washington, DC, on Jan. 15, 2025. 

Mandel Ngan | Via Reuters

To the untrained eye, Joe Biden leaves the presidency with what appears to be a sterling economic record: hiring proceeding at a solid clip, gross domestic product on the rise and consumers still spending at a strong pace.

There’s just one problem, and it is one that will forever taint Biden’s legacy, the one that sank him and his party politically and for which he will always be remembered.

Inflation and its onerous burden on households, particularly those at the lower end of the income spectrum, has dwarfed all the other good that happened on Biden’s watch. Even with the pace of inflation slowing markedly from its mid-2022 peak, consumers, investors and business owners continually cite it as their most pressing issue.

“Biden inherited an economy that was flat on its back because of the pandemic, and he’s bequeathing an economy that’s flying high,” said Mark Zandi, chief economist at Moody’s Analytics. “Having said that, there are blemishes in the minds of many Americans … They feel ripped off.”

So even with an unemployment rate down dramatically from when he took office, even with growth at 3%, and even with an economy that is cited by top officials as the envy of the rest of the world, the Biden economic story is one that has an unhappy ending as Donald Trump prepares to head back to the White House on Monday.

Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen: Covid stimulus may have contributed 'a little bit' to inflation

“To me, that is the lasting legacy and differentiator between the two administrations,” said Joseph LaVorgna, chief U.S. economist at SMBC Nikko Securities and a senior economist in the first Trump administration. “Inflation was two-and-a-half times higher under President Biden than it was under President Trump. That essentially was the key catalyst for the return to Trump’s policy, which was one of very good growth and low and stable inflation.”

Biden leaves office with just a 36% approval rating overall, the lowest point of his presidency, with just 33% approving of the way he handled the economy, according to a CNN poll.

A look through various data points helps tell the story of inflation and how that has fed into the perception about the economy as a whole.

Biden by the numbers

Indeed, the cumulative inflation rate during Trump’s first term from 2017-21 was below 8%, as measured by the consumer price index. For Biden, it’s been 21%. That the economy has expanded in real terms by 11% under Biden — compared to 8.6% under Trump — doesn’t seem to matter. Inflation peaked above 9% in June 2022 and has stayed above the Federal Reserve’s 2% target every month since March 2021.

As the prices of various goods and services increased and stayed elevated, wages have struggled to keep pace. Even with a pickup in 2024, the 19% increase in average hourly earnings under Biden is still below the inflation rate.

Consequently, the disparity between wages and prices has pushed consumer confidence 6% lower under Biden than when he took office, as measured by the widely followed University of Michigan sentiment survey. That’s saying something considering that when Biden took office in January 2021 the economy was still under the shadow of Covid, with many folks choosing to spend the holiday season in late 2020 away from friends and family because of the spread of the omicron variant.

Why are consumers feeling so blue?

After all, even though the price of eggs has soared 180% in four years, household net worth has surged and consumers have continued spending. Retail sales have grown more than 20% and household net worth now totals $169 trillion, or 28% higher than at the end of 2020, according to Fed data.

The big contributors to the household balance sheet have been a meteoric if volatile rise in stocks as well as the value of real estate.

Since Biden took over, tech companies, powered by advancements in artificial intelligence, have pushed equity prices ever higher. The Dow Jones Industrial Average alone has risen more than 40%, and the Nasdaq Composite, which is weighted more towards Silicon Valley high-flyers, has jumped close to 50%.

Home prices during the same period have pushed 24% higher, while the value of real estate at the household level has risen 42%, according to the Fed.

Still, the dream of home ownership has grown more and more elusive as prices have risen and borrowing rates have gone with them. The typical 30-year mortgage rate is over 7% now, more than double where it was in January 2021.

The surge in wealth, particularly in the stock market, also has skewed benefits, mostly tilting toward those with the resources to buy stocks.

The share of total net worth held by the richest 1% stands at 30.8%, its highest in about three years, according to Fed data. Similarly, 1 percenters control just shy of 50% of all stock market-related wealth, a number that also has gradually increasedover the past few years. The lowest 50% of earners hold just 1% of stock market wealth, a number that actually has doubled during the Biden years.

All of the various metrics seem to tie back into the inflation question and how we got here.

A question of history

Economists and policymakers diagnose the issue similarly, though there are some diversions: Supply-demand imbalances at the beginning of the pandemic drove up the costs for goods over services by hitting supply chains. Trillions in fiscal and monetary stimulus aimed at stemming the damage from Covid exacerbated the issue by sending too much money chasing too few goods. Finally, a monetary response in the form of, first low then high interest rates that even Fed officials have admitted was slow-footed helped stoke prices further.

Biden lobbed a fusillade of fiscal ammunition at the post-Covid economy, including the controversial $1.9 trillion American Rescue Plan and the 2022 Inflation Reduction Act that critics say added to the inflation burden, though supporters say the measures provided critical infrastructure and climate mitigation spending that will yield benefits for years to come.

“We have had very good growth and we’ve had a reasonably strong labor market,” LaVorgna said. “The question is, at what price?”

The labor market in fact has been powerful, cranking out millions of jobs as employers sought to meet their own supply-demand mismatch that at one point had open positions outnumbering available workers by a 2-to-1 margin. The Biden economy has seen the unemployment rate slashed by more than 2 percentage points, and looking stable lately despite a blip higher in mid-2024.

Again, though, it all seems to come back to inflation.

The price to which LaVorgna alluded came in the form of a bloated federal budget in which the deficit hit $1.8 trillion in 2024 and is tracking so far in well north of that in fiscal 2025 to finance a $36.2 trillion debt. Taxpayers last year shelled out more than $1 trillion just in interest costs on the debt, and are expected to pay some $1.2 trillion this year, a total that eclipses all other outlays except Social Security, defense and healthcare.

The 6% deficit to GDP ratio the government is running is unheard of in an expansionary economy. Prior to the 2008 financial crisis, the U.S. had not run a shortfall that massive relative to total output since 1945 as the nation was escaping the World War II economy.

The tab, then, will be picked up future generations saddled with today’s debt and deficits.

“That’s a problem, a big problem,” Zandi said.

In fact, much of the job growth has come in government and health care, both sectors linked to expansionary fiscal policy, as well as leisure and hospitality, a sector that took until May 2024 to regain the jobs it lost during Covid.

Despite the challenges that abound, most officials say the U.S. economy is healthy.

Zandi said his global clients frequently ask him what the “secret sauce” is that has kept the U.S. so vibrant compared to its global counterparts. Fed Chair Jerome Powell, who frequently has called the U.S. fiscal path “unsustainable,” said he gets similar questions.

“In these international meetings that I attend, this has been the story .. how well the U.S. is doing,” Powell said at a December news conference. “If you look around the world, there’s just a lot of slow growth and continued struggles with inflation. So I feel very good about where the economy is and the performance of the economy, and we want to keep that going.”

Uncertainty over where the Fed is headed, though, is a cloud that will hang over the Trump economy.

The central bank spiked its key borrowing rate by 5.25 percentage points during its inflation fight but has lowered it a full point since then as officials grow more comfortable with where inflation is heading. However, there’s considerable uncertainty over what happens from here, with markets cautiously pricing in another quarter- or half-point in cuts for the remainder of 2025.

As Biden walks away from the White House, he leaves behind myriad questions of what could have been done to make things better — and how it easily could have been worse.

“Economists looking at this 20 years from now are going to view this as quite an amazing performance,” Zandi said. “The story here is still not over. But my sense is history will judge this period as one to follow in future crises.”

Why it feels like the U.S. is in a recession

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Joe Biden wound up serving Donald Trump

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Remember “Infrastructure Week”? Donald Trump declared it in his first year as president to build support for fulfilling his pledge to spend prodigiously to fix America’s roads and bridges. Within the political class, at least on the left, Infrastructure Week became shorthand for his haplessness as, year after year, he failed to persuade Congress to commit the funds.

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