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Trump’s economic confidants battle for sway on tax, Fed policy

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Economic advisers in Donald Trump’s orbit are clashing over their favored policy ideas, a fight that is spilling into public view as they jockey for influence over the presumptive Republican presidential nominee’s second-term plans.

In recent weeks, informal advisers have floated ideas such as a proposal for a flat tax; penalties for countries that shift away from the U.S. dollar; and reforms to the Federal Reserve to give the president more control over the independent central bank.

The only problem with these ideas? Trump himself has not signed off on any of them and the unauthorized policy plans are annoying his top campaign staff.

While he has groused about the Chinese yuan, the high cost of housing or the Fed’s stubbornly high interest rates in passing conversations with advisers, he hasn’t voiced support for specific ideas to tackle these problems, nor has he requested a formal plan from his cadre of informal economic advisers,

The public jockeying and extreme ideas from various factions within Republican circles undercut the strategy of a remarkably disciplined campaign that has helped Trump cruise to the party’s nomination even as he’s mired in court cases. The plans, which often embrace fringe economic ideas, reinforce Trump’s political unorthodoxy, leaving voters — and markets — uncertain on what he would do with a second term.

Donald Trump at a rally in Pennsylvania
Donald Trump speaks during a campaign rally in Schnecksville, Pennsylvania on April 13.

Hannah Beier/Photographer: Hannah Beier/Bloom

These economic trial balloons have infuriated top Trump campaign officials and created distractions as they prepare for the general election. The campaign is consumed with managing Trump’s appearances at his ongoing criminal trial in New York City involving hush-money payments, and figuring out ways to generate political momentum from the days in court. They are also busy strategizing how to win key swing states in November and planning fundraisers, as they try to close a wide campaign cash gap with President Joe Biden.

One person familiar with the proposals compared the recent raft of economic ideas to Trump officials frequently appearing on TV when he was president, in the hopes he would catch their appearance and they could shape his viewpoint. 

Policy plans

A handful of conservative think tanks have been generating white papers and collecting resumes to prepare for a return of Trump, including the Heritage Foundation, America First Policy Institute, Conservative Partnership Institute and the Center for Renewing America.

Trump is also receiving economic advice from former top officials, including director of the Office of Management and Budget Russ Vought, former U.S. Trade Representative Robert Lighthizer, former head of the Council of Economic Advisers Kevin Hassett and former National Economic Council director Larry Kudlow, along with wealthy donors including John Paulson and Scott Bessent, both of whom have been floated as potential candidates for Treasury secretary. Many of his key advisers don’t support ideas to meddle with the Fed.

For months, the Trump campaign has been trying to rein in proposals from various factions with limited success.

“Let us be very specific here: Unless a message is coming directly from President Trump or an authorized member of his campaign team, no aspect of future presidential staffing or policy announcements should be deemed official,” campaign managers Susie Wiles and Chris LaCivita said in a written statement to the media this winter.

Monetary policy battle

Whether and how to rein in the Federal Reserve’s power is one of the most divisive issues among Republicans. During Trump’s first term in the White House, he often tried to pressure the Fed and Chair Jerome Powell to keep interest rates low.

It’s an open question whether Trump in a second term would select Fed officials and other White House aides that would want to keep the central bank independent, said Nathan Sheets, the global chief economist at Citigroup Inc.

“Any kind of policy that eroded independence in an appreciable way would be greeted by the markets very vigorously and adversely and would be a source of great pressure and volatility,” he said. “I think it would be such a problem that any gains a political actor might think that they would glean from undercutting Fed independence would be so small compared to the potential costs that they might have.”

Trump isn’t the first president to try to exert influence over the Fed by advocating for rate cuts and more dovish policies. 

Richard Nixon famously called for rate cuts, which made inflation roar back to life in the 1970s. In a 1984 White House meeting between President Ronald Reagan, White House chief of staff James Baker and then Fed Chair Paul Volcker, Baker pressured the central bank chief not to raise interest rates before the election.

Trump repeatedly criticized the Fed and Powell in 2018, when the central bank was still raising interest rates, and into 2019, even threatening to fire Powell. The Fed started cutting rates in the summer of 2019.

Fed independence

“We act like, ‘Oh my god, this could never happen.’ But it’s not like it hasn’t been attempted or succeeded in the past. It’s just that it was always being done through subterfuge because no one would have the gall to just come out and do it. But gall is not an issue for Trump,” said Stephen Myrow, a managing partner at Beacon Policy Advisers and a former George W. Bush Treasury official.

A few outside Trump advisers have discussed ways to give the president the power to oust Powell before his term ends in 2026.

Given the Fed’s independence as an institution, Trump cannot fire or replace Powell and instantly change monetary policy. All decisions made by the Federal Reserve require approval by the Board of Governors, so even one or two potential Trump nominees could be outvoted.

“The executive branch has already taken over monetary policy. Janet Yellen has used Treasury policy to usurp monetary policy and ease financial conditions. Her actions are one reason rate hikes have been ineffective,” Bessent, a Trump donor, said in an interview, refuting the notion Trump is seeking a major change. “President Trump and his economic team understand that the one thing that anchors medium and long-term rates is the Fed’s credibility.”

–With assistance from Stephanie Lai and Rich Miller.

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IAASB tweaks standards on working with outside experts

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The International Auditing and Assurance Standards Board is proposing to tailor some of its standards to align with recent additions to the International Ethics Standards Board for Accountants’ International Code of Ethics for Professional Accountants when it comes to using the work of an external expert.

The proposed narrow-scope amendments involve minor changes to several IAASB standards:

  • ISA 620, Using the Work of an Auditor’s Expert;
  • ISRE 2400 (Revised), Engagements to Review Historical Financial Statements;
  • ISAE 3000 (Revised), Assurance Engagements Other than Audits or Reviews of Historical Financial Information;
  • ISRS 4400 (Revised), Agreed-upon Procedures Engagements.

The IAASB is asking for comments via a digital response template that can be found on the IAASB website by July 24, 2025.

In December 2023, the IESBA approved an exposure draft for proposed revisions to the IESBA’s Code of Ethics related to using the work of an external expert. The proposals included three new sections to the Code of Ethics, including provisions for professional accountants in public practice; professional accountants in business and sustainability assurance practitioners. The IESBA approved the provisions on using the work of an external expert at its December 2024 meeting, establishing an ethical framework to guide accountants and sustainability assurance practitioners in evaluating whether an external expert has the necessary competence, capabilities and objectivity to use their work, as well as provisions on applying the Ethics Code’s conceptual framework when using the work of an outside expert.  

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Tariffs will hit low-income Americans harder than richest, report says

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President Donald Trump’s tariffs would effectively cause a tax increase for low-income families that is more than three times higher than what wealthier Americans would pay, according to an analysis from the Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy.

The report from the progressive think tank outlined the outcomes for Americans of all backgrounds if the tariffs currently in effect remain in place next year. Those making $28,600 or less would have to spend 6.2% more of their income due to higher prices, while the richest Americans with income of at least $914,900 are expected to spend 1.7% more. Middle-income families making between $55,100 and $94,100 would pay 5% more of their earnings. 

Trump has imposed the steepest U.S. duties in more than a century, including a 145% tariff on many products from China, a 25% rate on most imports from Canada and Mexico, duties on some sectors such as steel and aluminum and a baseline 10% tariff on the rest of the country’s trading partners. He suspended higher, customized tariffs on most countries for 90 days.

Economists have warned that costs from tariff increases would ultimately be passed on to U.S. consumers. And while prices will rise for everyone, lower-income families are expected to lose a larger portion of their budgets because they tend to spend more of their earnings on goods, including food and other necessities, compared to wealthier individuals.

Food prices could rise by 2.6% in the short run due to tariffs, according to an estimate from the Yale Budget Lab. Among all goods impacted, consumers are expected to face the steepest price hikes for clothing at 64%, the report showed. 

The Yale Budget Lab projected that the tariffs would result in a loss of $4,700 a year on average for American households.

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At Schellman, AI reshapes a firm’s staffing needs

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Artificial intelligence is just getting started in the accounting world, but it is already helping firms like technology specialist Schellman do more things with fewer people, allowing the firm to scale back hiring and reduce headcount in certain areas through natural attrition. 

Schellman CEO Avani Desai said there have definitely been some shifts in headcount at the Top 100 Firm, though she stressed it was nothing dramatic, as it mostly reflects natural attrition combined with being more selective with hiring. She said the firm has already made an internal decision to not reduce headcount in force, as that just indicates they didn’t hire properly the first time. 

“It hasn’t been about reducing roles but evolving how we do work, so there wasn’t one specific date where we ‘started’ the reduction. It’s been more case by case. We’ve held back on refilling certain roles when we saw opportunities to streamline, especially with the use of new technologies like AI,” she said. 

One area where the firm has found such opportunities has been in the testing of certain cybersecurity controls, particularly within the SOC framework. The firm examined all the controls it tests on the service side and asked which ones require human judgment or deep expertise. The answer was a lot of them. But for the ones that don’t, AI algorithms have been able to significantly lighten the load. 

“[If] we don’t refill a role, it’s because the need actually has changed, or the process has improved so significantly [that] the workload is lighter or shared across the smarter system. So that’s what’s happening,” said Desai. 

Outside of client services like SOC control testing and reporting, the firm has found efficiencies in administrative functions as well as certain internal operational processes. On the latter point, Desai noted that Schellman’s engineers, including the chief information officer, have been using AI to help develop code, which means they’re not relying as much on outside expertise on the internal service delivery side of things. There are still people in the development process, but their roles are changing: They’re writing less code, and doing more reviewing of code before it gets pushed into production, saving time and creating efficiencies. 

“The best way for me to say this is, to us, this has been intentional. We paused hiring in a few areas where we saw overlaps, where technology was really working,” said Desai.

However, even in an age awash with AI, Schellman acknowledges there are certain jobs that need a human, at least for now. For example, the firm does assessments for the FedRAMP program, which is needed for cloud service providers to contract with certain government agencies. These assessments, even in the most stable of times, can be long and complex engagements, to say nothing of the less predictable nature of the current government. As such, it does not make as much sense to reduce human staff in this area. 

“The way it is right now for us to do FedRAMP engagements, it’s a very manual process. There’s a lot of back and forth between us and a third party, the government, and we don’t see a lot of overall application or technology help… We’re in the federal space and you can imagine, [with] what’s going on right now, there’s a big changing market condition for clients and their pricing pressure,” said Desai. 

As Schellman reduces staff levels in some places, it is increasing them in others. Desai said the firm is actively hiring in certain areas. In particular, it’s adding staff in technical cybersecurity (e.g., penetration testers), the aforementioned FedRAMP engagements, AI assessment (in line with recently becoming an ISO 42001 certification body) and in some client-facing roles like marketing and sales. 

“So, to me, this isn’t about doing more with less … It’s about doing more of the right things with the right people,” said Desai. 

While these moves have resulted in savings, she said that was never really the point, so whatever the firm has saved from staffing efficiencies it has reinvested in its tech stack to build its service line further. When asked for an example, she said the firm would like to focus more on penetration testing by building a SaaS tool for it. While Schellman has a proof of concept developed, she noted it would take a lot of money and time to deploy a full solution — both of which the firm now has more of because of its efficiency moves. 

“What is the ‘why’ behind these decisions? The ‘why’ for us isn’t what I think you traditionally see, which is ‘We need to get profitability high. We need to have less people do more things.’ That’s not what it is like,” said Desai. “I want to be able to focus on quality. And the only way I think I can focus on quality is if my people are not focusing on things that don’t matter … I feel like I’m in a much better place because the smart people that I’ve hired are working on the riskiest and most complicated things.”

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