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What happens in the days after America’s election

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“There are no redos when it comes to elections,” says Al Schmidt. “Everything has to be done just right.” His spiel is part gospel, part warning, part pep talk. As Pennsylvania’s secretary of state, Mr Schmidt oversees elections in America’s most contested battleground. The candidate who carries his state—Kamala Harris or Donald Trump—will probably take the White House.
When Mr Schmidt alludes to “everything” that needs doing in this election, he means more than just voting. In Pennsylvania and across the country, tallying votes is a decentralised and drawn-out process. It may take days to know the result after election day on November 5th. (In 2020, it took nearly four days until major news organisations declared Joe Biden the winner.) The narrower the margin, the more time will be required for counting and recounting. Even then the result will be unofficial until Congress certifies it on January 6th 2025. In between lie a series of procedural steps performed by thousands of local and state officials.

Few Americans thought much about the mechanics of their elections until Mr Trump and his lawyers furiously sought to overturn his loss to Mr Biden. At every opportunity they tried to subvert what had long been considered a pro-forma process. Mr Trump’s allies alleged voter fraud in bunkum lawsuits, unsuccessfully strong-armed local and state officials to alter tallies and tried and failed to persuade Mike Pence, then Mr Trump’s vice-president, to block Congress from affirming the result. That day Mr Trump’s supporters ransacked the Capitol.

If this year’s election is as close as polls suggest, expect another fraught few weeks between November 5th and January 6th. Mr Trump will probably declare victory before news networks have called the race, stoking acrimony and misinformation. That Ms Harris is likely to do better among voters who post their ballots means that her fortunes will probably improve as the count progresses, since counting postal votes is usually slower. This occurred in 2020 in Pennsylvania, where Mr Trump’s initial lead turned to defeat by just over 80,000 votes, fuelling conspiracy theories about election theft. Mr Schmidt, then a local commissioner in Philadelphia, was targeted by Mr Trump on Twitter for refusing to investigate a “mountain of corruption”. Threats from MAGA supporters followed.

Counting: the days

All times in Eastern Standard Time (GMT–5)

Election day

Polls open in Pennsylvania. Counting of mail-in ballots starts

Polls close in Pennsylvania. Deadline for mail-in ballots to have reached counting officials

Unofficial results begin to be posted by local election boards in Pennsylvania’s 67 counties. In 2020, the close vote meant that four days passed before major news organisations declared that Joe Biden had won the state

In Pennsylvania, official canvass of the election starts. Counties “reconcile” their votes to check that the number of people recorded as having voted in each precinct matches the number of ballots counted. Officials also check the eligibility of provisional ballots

Unofficial county returns due to Pennsylvania’s secretary of state. Recount petitions must be filed within the next five days. If no revisions needed, then counties must certify

Pennsylvania’s secretary of state orders an automatic recount for any statewide race within a half-percentage-point margin

Recounts in Pennsylvania must begin no later than this date

Deadline for counties in Pennsylvania to certify to the secretary of state, who then starts on statewide certification

Deadline for governors (or, in the District of Columbia, the mayor) to submit a certificate of ascertainment, naming their state’s electors, to the National Archives

Electors meet in their state capitals to cast their votes

Deadline for electoral-college votes to be sent to the National Archives and the president of the Senate (ie, Kamala Harris in her capacity as vice-president)

Congress meets to count electoral-college votes and affirm the winner. Kamala Harris presides

The new president is inaugurated

In 2020 it took four days for news outlets to call the state, which delivered enough electoral-college votes to clinch Mr Biden’s victory. The delay stemmed partly from the fact that Pennsylvania prevents officials from pre-processing postal votes before election day. They cannot remove ballots from their envelopes, verify signatures and prepare ballots for machine counting. (Wisconsin is the only other swing state to similarly restrict pre-processing.) In 2020, amid the pandemic, 39% of ballots were cast by mail in Pennsylvania. The share may not be so high this time.

In Pennsylvania the count—or “canvass”—of postal ballots begins at 7am on election day. Most counties in the state, because they receive state funding, are required to keep at it until the job is finished, without pause. To be counted, postal votes must be received by the time that polls close, at 8pm on election day.

States write laws and set parameters for election administration, but counties handle the bulk of the work. They are like fiefdoms, says John Jones, a former federal judge in Pennsylvania; America has more than 3,000 of them. County commissioners select polling places, recruit staff and oversee the canvass. Then they report their tallies to state officials, who add them all up and certify the statewide result. Certifying means attesting to the accuracy and completeness of a count; until then returns are unofficial.

Allies of Mr Trump who claim without evidence that the 2020 election was rigged have been shut out of the most important statewide jobs in Arizona, Pennsylvania and even those swing states governed by Republicans. As a result, state officeholders are unlikely to block certification should Mr Trump lose. But some rogue officials at county level might withhold certification and thereby impede the rest of the process. Their job is “ministerial”, not discretionary, courts have ruled. They have no authority to investigate fraud or errors—under Pennsylvania law, that is for prosecutors and courts. In October a state judge in Georgia ruled that county election boards could not “play investigator, prosecutor, jury and judge” if they suspect fraud, and that they must certify once counting is finished.

Still, if Mr Trump loses, some county commissioners will probably allege improprieties and refuse to certify, inviting stand-offs with state officials. Already dozens have tried this in elections held over the past four years in every swing state but Wisconsin. When two Republican officials in Wayne County, Michigan, declined to certify the 2020 canvass there, Mr Trump tweeted: “Having courage is a beautiful thing.” In 2022 a Republican commissioner in Otero County, New Mexico, said his refusal to certify a primary election was based on “gut feeling”, not “evidence”. These cases were resolved when state officials or candidates either secured or threatened to seek a “writ of mandamus”, a court order compelling commissioners to certify. In Arizona two scofflaws were indicted.

Yet even unsuccessful efforts can mean long delays. In Pennsylvania, during the primaries in 2022, three majority-Republican county boards refused to certify the results because they decided that misdated postal votes need not be counted, contrary to state guidance. Courts ordered the boards to include those ballots and they eventually complied—more than three months after the primary. (Since then Pennsylvania’s Supreme Court has ruled that misdated postal ballots should not be counted.) A similar delay this year would conflict with the timeline for state-vote certification prescribed by federal law.

That law requires governors—in Pennsylvania’s case, Josh Shapiro, a Democrat—to submit statewide results by December 11th. These are known as “certificates of ascertainment”. To meet that date, states impose earlier deadlines on counties: in Pennsylvania, it is November 25th. Some Pennsylvania counties could miss the deadline if they slow-walk recounts, reckons Mr Jones, who predicts that Mr Schmidt may seek writs of mandamus in such cases. (In Pennsylvania recounts are automatically triggered in any race where the margin of victory is half a percentage point or less. Voters or candidates can ask courts for a recount if the margin is larger, but they typically must present evidence of fraud or error.)

Lawyers and courts, for their part, are poised to move quickly. Under rules handed down by Pennsylvania’s highest court, the timeline to appeal against a court decision has been compressed. What would normally take two or three months will happen in several days, says Ben Geffen of the Public Interest Law Centre in Philadelphia. As for claims of voter fraud, courts have had little patience for specious ones.

Certificates of ascertainment identify a state’s electors. These are representatives from the party of the winning candidate in each state, whom they pledge to vote for in the electoral college. Electors will meet in their state capitals on December 17th to fulfil this ceremonial role. On January 6th Congress counts electors’ votes and ratifies the winner. After the election in 2020 Republican lawmakers objected to the votes of Arizona and Pennsylvania; eight senators and 139 congressmen voted in favour of one or both objections. That will be harder this time: a federal law adopted in 2022 raised the threshold to lodge an objection from one member in each chamber to a fifth of members in each. Sustaining an objection requires a majority in each.

That the whole process appears so complex is a product of federalism and an archaic electoral-college system. That it faces such strain is a result of Mr Trump’s attacks. Unlike four years ago, everyone is attuned to the vulnerabilities now. “We’re not going to get caught with our pants down,” says Mr Geffen. The bigger worry, he adds, is disinformation and the distrust it sows. That problem can’t be solved by the courts.

Sources: The Economist

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Economics

Trump tariffs’ effect on consumer prices debated by economists

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The U.S. government is set to increase tariff rates on several categories of imported products. Some economists tracking these trade proposals say the higher tariff rates could lead to higher consumer prices.

One model constructed by the Federal Reserve Bank of Boston suggests that in an “extreme” scenario, heightened taxes on U.S. imports could result in a 1.4 percentage point to 2.2 percentage point increase to core inflation. This scenario assumes 60% tariff rates on Chinese imports and 10% tariff rates on imports from all other countries.

The researchers note that many other tariff proposals have surfaced since they published their findings in February 2025. 

Price increases could come across many categories, including new housing and automobiles, alongside consumer services such as nursing, public transportation and finance. 

“People might think, ‘Oh, tariffs can only affect the goods that I buy. It can’t affect the services,'” said Hillary Stein, an economist at the Boston Fed. “Those hospitals are buying inputs that might be, for example, … medical equipment that comes from abroad.” 

White House economists say tariffs will not meaningfully contribute to inflation. In a statement to CNBC, Stephen Miran, chair of the Council of Economic Advisers, said that “as the world’s largest source of consumer demand, the U.S. holds all the leverage, which means foreign suppliers will have to eat the economic burden or ‘incidence’ of the tariffs.” 

Assessing the impact of the administration’s full economic agenda has been a challenge for central bank leaders. The Federal Open Market Committee decided to leave its target for the federal funds rate unchanged at the meeting in March. 

The Fed targets its overnight borrowing rate at between 4.25% and 4.5%, with the effective federal funds rate at 4.33% on March 31, according to the New York Fed. The core personal consumption expenditures price index inflation rate rose to 2.8% in February, according to the Commerce Department. Forecasts of U.S. gross domestic product suggest that the economy will continue to grow at a 1.7% rate in 2025, albeit at a slower pace than what was forecast in January.  

Consumers in the U.S. and businesses around the world are bracing for impact. 
 
“There is a reason why companies went outside of the U.S.,” said Gregor Hirt, chief investment officer at Allianz Global Investors. “Most of the time it was because it was cheaper and more productive.” 

Watch the video above to learn how much inflation tariffs may cause.

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Trump’s tariff gambit will raise the stakes for an economy already looking fragile

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U.S. President Donald Trump speaks alongside entertainer Kid Rock before signing an executive order in the Oval Office of the White House on March 31, 2025 in Washington, DC. 

Andrew Harnik | Getty Images

President Donald Trump is set Wednesday to begin the biggest gamble of his nascent second term, wagering that broad-based tariffs on imports will jumpstart a new era for the U.S. economy.

The stakes couldn’t be higher.

As the president prepares his “liberation day” announcement, household sentiment is at multi-year lows. Consumers worry that the duties will spark another round of painful inflation, and investors are fretting that higher prices will mean lower profits and a tougher slog for the battered stock market.

What Trump is promising is a new economy not dependent on deficit spending, where Canada, Mexico, China and Europe no longer take advantage of the U.S. consumer’s desire for ever-cheaper products.

The big problem right now is no one outside the administration knows quite how those goals will be achieved, and what will be the price to pay.

“People always want everything to be done immediately and have to know exactly what’s going on,” said Joseph LaVorgna, who served as a senior economic advisor during Trump’s first term in office. “Negotiations themselves don’t work that way. Good things take time.”

For his part, LaVorgna, who is now chief economist at SMBC Nikko Securities, is optimistic Trump can pull it off, but understands why markets are rattled by the uncertainty of it all.

“This is a negotiation, and it needs to be judged in the fullness of time,” he said. “Eventually we’re going to get some details and some clarity, and to me, everything will fit together. But right now, we’re at that point where it’s just too soon to know exactly what the implementation is likely to look like.”

Here’s what we do know: The White House intends to implement “reciprocal” tariffs against its trading partners. In other words, the U.S. is going to match what other countries charge to import American goods into their countries. Most recently, a figure of 20% blanket tariffs has been bandied around, though LaVorgna said he expects the number to be around 10%, but something like 60% for China.

What is likely to emerge, though, will be far more nuanced as Trump seeks to reduce a record $131.4 billion U.S. trade deficit. Trump professes his ability to make deals, and the saber-rattling of draconian levies on other countries is all part of the strategy to get the best arrangement possible where more goods are manufactured domestically, boosting American jobs and providing a fairer landscape for trade.

The consequences, though, could be rough in the near term.

Potential inflation impact

On their surface, tariffs are a tax on imports and, theoretically, are inflationary. In practice, though, it doesn’t always work that way.

During his first term, Trump imposed heavy tariffs with nary a sign of longer-term inflation outside of isolated price increases. That’s how Federal Reserve economists generally view tariffs — a one-time “transitory” blip but rarely a generator of fundamental inflation.

This time, though, could be different as Trump attempts something on a scale not seen since the disastrous Smoot-Hawley tariffs in 1930 that kicked off a global trade war and would be the worst-case scenario of the president’s ambitions.

“This could be a major rewiring of the domestic economy and of the global economy, a la Thatcher, a la Reagan, where you get a more enabled private sector, streamlined government, a fair trading system,” Mohamed El-Erian, the Allianz chief economic advisor, said Tuesday on CNBC. “Alternatively, if we get tit-for-tat tariffs, we slip into stagflation, and that stagflation becomes well anchored, and that becomes problematic.”

Tariffs could be a major rewiring of the domestic and global economy, says Mohamed El-Erian

The U.S. economy already is showing signs of a stagflationary impulse, perhaps not along the lines of the 1970s and early ’80s but nevertheless one where growth is slowing and inflation is proving stickier than expected.

Goldman Sachs has lowered its projection for economic growth this year to barely positive. The firm is citing the “the sharp recent deterioration in household and business confidence” and second-order impacts of tariffs as administration officials are willing to trade lower growth in the near term for their longer-term trade goals.

Federal Reserve officials last month indicated an expectation of 1.7% gross domestic product growth this year; using the same metric, Goldman projects GDP to rise at just a 1% rate.

In addition, Goldman raised its recession risk to 35% this year, though it sees growth holding positive in the most-likely scenario.

Broader economic questions

However, Luke Tilley, chief economist at Wilmington Trust, thinks the recession risk is even higher at 40%, and not just because of tariff impacts.

“We were already on the pessimistic side of the spectrum,” he said. “A lot of that is coming from the fact that we didn’t think the consumer was strong enough heading into the year, and we see growth slowing because of the tariffs.”

Tilley also sees the labor market weakening as companies hold off on hiring as well as other decisions such as capital expenditure-type investments in their businesses.

That view on business hesitation was backed up Tuesday in an Institute for Supply Management survey in which respondents cited the uncertain climate as an obstacle to growth.

“Customers are pausing on new orders as a result of uncertainty regarding tariffs,” said a manager in the transportation equipment industry. “There is no clear direction from the administration on how they will be implemented, so it’s harder to project how they will affect business.”

While Tilley thinks the concern over tariffs causing long-term inflation is misplaced — Smoot-Hawley, for instance, actually ended up being deflationary — he does see them as a danger to an already-fragile consumer and economy as they could tend to weaken activity further.

“We think of the tariffs as just being such a weight on growth. It would drive up prices in the initial couple [inflation] readings, but it would create so much economic weakness that they would end up being net deflationary,” he said. “They’re a tax hike, they’re contractionary, they’re going to weigh on the economy.”

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Economics

Euro zone inflation, March 2025

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A man pushes his shopping cart filled with food shopping and walks in front of an aisle of canned vegetables with “Down price” labels in an Auchan supermarket in Guilherand Granges, France, March 8, 2025.

Nicolas Guyonnet | Afp | Getty Images

Annual Euro zone inflation dipped as expected to 2.2% in March, according to flash data from statistics agency Eurostat published Tuesday.

The Tuesday print sits just below the 2.3% final reading of February.

So called core-inflation, which excludes more volatile food, energy, alcohol and tobacco prices, edged lower to 2.4% in March from 2.6% in February. The closely watched services inflation print, which had long been sticky around the 4% mark, also fell to 3.4% in March from 3.7% in the preceding month.

Recent preliminary data had showed that March inflation came in lower than forecast in several major euro zone economies. Last month’s inflation hit 2.3% in Germany and fell to 2.2% in Spain, while staying unchanged at 0.9% in France.

The figures, which are harmonized across the euro area for comparability, boosted expectations for a further 25-basis-point interest rate cut from the European Central Bank during its upcoming meeting on April 17. Markets were pricing in an around 76% chance of such a reduction ahead of the release of the euro zone inflation data on Tuesday, according to LSEG data.

The European Union is set to be slapped with tariffs due in effect later this week from the U.S. administration of Donald Trump — including a 25% levy on imported cars.

While the exact impact of the tariffs and retaliatory measures remains uncertain, many economists have warned for months that their effect could be inflationary.

This is a breaking news story, please check back for updates.

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