Listen to this story.Enjoy more audio and podcasts on iOS or Android.
Your browser does not support the <audio> element.
In 1951 a 25-year-old Yale graduate published a 240-page polemic inveighing against his alma mater’s left-leaning bias. The book launched the career of William F. Buckley, the most influential conservative intellectual of the post-war era. Although Buckley managed to reshape the Republican Party, his war against academia proved less successful. Conservatives still haven’t given up on changing the academy. The most robust reform momentum now is building at public university systems. In Florida, in particular, a trio of Yale alumni have ambitious plans to change the future of higher education.
Ron DeSantis, the governor of Florida, who graduated from Yale in 2001, likes to say that his state is “where woke goes to die”. In universities he put in place a tenure-review process, which critics say weakened academic freedom, and he has used his appointment powers to influence institutions. At New College of Florida, a public liberal-arts college that had been a bastion of progressivism, he appointed new trustees who fired the president and replaced him with a former Republican lawmaker. Scores of faculty and students left.
New College, which had fewer than 700 students in the autumn of 2022, has drawn national attention. Yet much more consequential reforms are under way at the University of Florida (UF), the state’s flagship university and home to some 60,000 students. It ranks as one of the top public universities in America. It also offers an increasingly attractive bargain: undergraduate tuition and fees are only $6,380 this academic year for in-state students.
Ben Sasse, a former Republican senator who became UF’s president in February 2023, says that producing graduates who can thrive in a disruptive jobs market is at the heart of his mission. He still believes a fundamental part of this ought to be learning about the liberal arts. But, says Mr Sasse, who earned a doctorate in history at Yale, humanities faculties at most universities are not “sure what their purpose is right now”. A core curriculum is “incredibly important for an educated citizenry, but you have to be making a case that you’re speaking to things that are big and broad and meaningful and enduring.” He argues that this isn’t a right-wing project but a classically liberal one. And at the heart of it is UF’s new Hamilton Centre.
Authorised by the Florida legislature in 2022, the centre is a $30m wager on the appeal of Western civilisation. Mr Sasse has said that he intends Hamilton to become UF’s 17th college (joining existing ones such as those for business, engineering, law, medicine and pharmacy). Next year it will begin offering two majors: philosophy, politics, economics and law; and great books and ideas.
Will Inboden, Hamilton’s director, wants UF to have America’s top programme in Western civilisation. The centre already employs a dozen faculty members in a cramped space on UF’s sprawling campus, dominated by the Florida Gators’ football stadium. It is hiring dozens more and eventually will move to its own building. Mr Imboden says part of the strategy is to seek out faculty in fields neglected by modern humanities departments, such as military and diplomatic history. He also favours public-facing academics.
Sunshine statement
Mr Inboden and Mr Sasse, who attended graduate school at Yale together, both served in the administration of George W. Bush. But Mr Inboden argues that the Hamilton Centre is a “pre-political” project. “Students are pretty leery of being indoctrinated,” he says. “The answer to progressive indoctrination on campuses is not conservative counter-indoctrination.”
Jill Ingram, Hamilton’s director of undergraduate students, echoes the desire to avoid a reputation of being a politicised entity. “We’re interested in giving students the tools and the practice to think for themselves, but also to bring back an appreciation for the texts and the ideas that were involved in the founding of America.”
The centre has received a mixed reception on campus. One student recalls telling an adviser that she planned to apply for a fellowship through the centre: “She was, like, ‘Don’t apply for that. It’s a bunch of right-wing storm troopers.’” Yet many who take classes from Hamilton faculty aren’t even aware the centre exists as its own entity. Students associated with it come from a variety of political backgrounds.
Florida is not alone. Other states with new schools focusing on civic thought include Arizona, North Carolina, Tennessee and Texas. A Republican state legislature funded Arizona State University’s School of Civic and Economic Thought and Leadership. When a Democrat, Katie Hobbs, became governor in 2023, it seemed its days might be numbered: Ms Hobbs labelled the school “libertarian” and proposed reallocating the funding. After some debate, however, Democrats backed down.
Places like the Hamilton Centre will face two related challenges. Finding faculty for a growing number of institutions could become harder in the years ahead. Harder still will be to avoid becoming conservative ghettos within their universities.
Ray Rodrigues, the chancellor of the State University System of Florida, says the goal is to offer better general-education courses to all. He and his colleagues also aspire to create scholars who will influence new generations: “If, at the end of the day, what we’re doing is merely trading conservative scholars from one institution to another, then we have failed.”■
Stay on top of American politics with The US in brief, our daily newsletter with fast analysis of the most important electoral stories, and Checks and Balance, a weekly note from our Lexington columnist that examines the state of American democracy and the issues that matter to voters.
THE FIRST shot against America’s senior military leaders was fired within hours of Donald Trump’s inauguration on January 20th: General Mark Milley’s portrait was removed from the wall on the E-ring, where it had hung with paintings of other former chairmen of the joint chiefs of staff. A day later the commandant of the coast guard, Admiral Linda Fagan, was thrown overboard. On February 21st it was the most senior serving officer, General Charles “CQ” Brown, a former F-16 pilot, who was ejected from the Pentagon. At least he was spared a Trumpian farewell insult. “He is a fine gentleman and an outstanding leader,” Mr Trump declared.
The struggling German economy has been a major talking point among critics of Chancellor Olaf Scholz’ government during the latest election campaign — but analysts warn a new leadership might not turn these tides.
As voters prepare to head to the polls, it is now all but certain that Germany will soon have a new chancellor. The Christian Democratic Union’s Friedrich Merz is the firm favorite.
Merz has not shied away from blasting Scholz’s economic policies and from linking them to the lackluster state of Europe’s largest economy. He argues that a government under his leadership would give the economy the boost it needs.
Experts speaking to CNBC were less sure.
“There is a high risk that Germany will get a refurbished economic model after the elections, but not a brand new model that makes the competition jealous,” Carsten Brzeski, global head of macro at ING, told CNBC.
The CDU/CSU economic agenda
The CDU, which on a federal level ties up with regional sister party the Christian Social Union, is running on a “typical economic conservative program,” Brzeski said.
It includes income and corporate tax cuts, fewer subsidies and less bureaucracy, changes to social benefits, deregulation, support for innovation, start-ups and artificial intelligence and boosting investment among other policies, according to CDU/CSU campaigners.
“The weak parts of the positions are that the CDU/CSU is not very precise on how it wants to increase investments in infrastructure, digitalization and education. The intention is there, but the details are not,” Brzeski said, noting that the union appears to be aiming to revive Germany’s economic model without fully overhauling it.
“It is still a reform program which pretends that change can happen without pain,” he said.
Geraldine Dany-Knedlik, head of forecasting at research institute DIW Berlin, noted that the CDU is also looking to reach gross domestic product growth of around 2% again through its fiscal and economic program called “Agenda 2030.”
But reaching such levels of economic expansion in Germany “seems unrealistic,” not just temporarily, but also in the long run, she told CNBC.
Germany’s GDP declined in both 2023 and 2024. Recent quarterly growth readings have also been teetering on the verge of a technical recession, which has so far been narrowly avoided. The German economy shrank by 0.2% in the fourth quarter, compared with the previous three-month stretch, according to the latest reading.
Europe’s largest economy faces pressure in key industries like the auto sector, issues with infrastructure like the country’s rail network and a housebuilding crisis.
Dany-Knedlik also flagged the so-called debt brake, a long-standing fiscal rule that is enshrined in Germany’s constitution, which limits the size of the structural budget deficit and how much debt the government can take on.
Whether or not the clause should be overhauled has been a big part of the fiscal debate ahead of the election. While the CDU ideally does not want to change the debt brake, Merz has said that he may be open to some reform.
“To increase growth prospects substantially without increasing debt also seems rather unlikely,” DIW’s Dany-Knedlik said, adding that, if public investments were to rise within the limits of the debt brake, significant tax increases would be unavoidable.
“Taking into account that a 2 Percent growth target is to be reached within a 4 year legislation period, the Agenda 2030 in combination with conservatives attitude towards the debt break to me reads more of a wish list than a straight forward economic growth program,” she said.
Franziska Palmas, senior Europe economist at Capital Economics, sees some benefits to the plans of the CDU-CSU union, saying they would likely “be positive” for the economy, but warning that the resulting boost would be small.
“Tax cuts would support consumer spending and private investment, but weak sentiment means consumers may save a significant share of their additional after-tax income and firms may be reluctant to invest,” she told CNBC.
Palmas nevertheless pointed out that not everyone would come away a winner from the new policies. Income tax cuts would benefit middle- and higher-income households more than those with a lower income, who would also be affected by potential reductions of social benefits.
Coalition talks ahead
Following the Sunday election, the CDU/CSU will almost certainly be left to find a coalition partner to form a majority government, with the Social Democratic Party or the Green party emerging as the likeliest candidates.
The parties will need to broker a coalition agreement outlining their joint goals, including on the economy — which could prove to be a difficult undertaking, Capital Economics’ Palmas said.
“The CDU and the SPD and Greens have significantly different economic policy positions,” she said, pointing to discrepancies over taxes and regulation. While the CDU/CSU want to reduce both items, the SPD and Greens seek to raise taxes and oppose deregulation in at least some areas, Palmas explained.
The group is nevertheless likely to hold the power in any potential negotiations as it will likely have their choice between partnering with the SPD or Greens.
“Accordingly, we suspect that the coalition agreement will include most of the CDU’s main economic proposals,” she said.