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A much-watched poll from Iowa points to a Harris landslide

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AS THE ELECTION approaches its climax, dozens of opinion polls of American voters are churned out each day. None is so eagerly awaited as the final Des Moines Register/Mediacom poll of Iowa, produced by Selzer & Co, a polling firm. On “Election Twitter”—the colloquial name for a community of political-data junkies on X—this particular poll has taken on a legendary status. On the evening of November 2nd, it showed Kamala Harris leading Donald Trump in Iowa, sending Election Twitter into a frenzy. Why?

Selzer & Co is a high-quality pollster. It is rated as one of the best in the country by FiveThirtyEight, a data-journalism outfit that tracks polling accuracy. The Selzer Poll is recognised for its success projecting the Iowa caucus—the early test that has been a staging ground for presidential nominees. And the pollster’s predictive powers in presidential elections has been stretched beyond Iowa, the state it usually surveys.

In the past five presidential elections, the final Iowa polls by Selzer and Co have had an average absolute error of 3.1 percentage points in the state. They have predicted the result in Iowa correctly four out of five times—an impressive record. But the most surprising thing about this record is that the Selzer Poll performs better in some states other than Iowa, where its respondents live.

Taking the implied change in vote shares from the Iowa poll and applying them to other states, the average absolute error is lower in four of them than in Iowa: North Dakota, South Dakota, Michigan and Wisconsin. Indeed, this crude method outperforms 14 states’ own polling averages from 2004 to 2020. The strange phenomenon has been particularly striking in the past two presidential cycles, when Michigan and Wisconsin were crucial battleground states. Polls in those states underestimated Donald Trump, the Republican nominee, whereas the Selzer Poll did not.

Despite the obvious point that a poll of Iowans cannot be directly translated to Michiganders or Wisconsinites, for some poll-watchers the survey has taken on a near-mythical ability to forecast the election across the country. If that were the case, the results published on Saturday would be very good news for Ms Harris. The poll shows her leading in Iowa by three percentage points; Mr Trump won the state by eight points in 2020. Applying that shift across the country would see Ms Harris win the election in a landslide, with 416 electoral-college votes.

Democrats should not celebrate too soon. It is true that states such as Wisconsin and Michigan have characteristics in common with Iowa, but the Selzer Poll’s historical out-of-state record is probably a fluke. With only five polls to go on (Ms Selzer has been running the Iowa poll since 1987 but archived results have not been digitised), the sample is too small to say if the Iowa poll is truly predictive of other states. Even within the state, the record is not perfect. The poll estimated Barack Obama to have a lead of 17 points in 2008, for example, and he went on to win by just ten. Taking the average error from previous Iowa polls in each state, the projected advantage for Ms Harris is within the margin of error in Pennsylvania, North Carolina, Georgia and Arizona, among the key states.

That said, our forecast gives Ms Harris a 4-in-100 chance of flipping Iowa now that the Selzer Poll is included. It is a respected survey which happens to have outperformed other pollsters, even outside Iowa. If Saturday’s reading correctly foretells a landslide for Ms Harris, prepare for the Selzer Poll to enjoy even greater veneration.

Economics

Germany’s election will usher in new leadership — but might not change its economy

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Production at the VW plant in Emden.

Sina Schuldt | Picture Alliance | Getty Images

The struggling German economy has been a major talking point among critics of Chancellor Olaf Scholz’ government during the latest election campaign — but analysts warn a new leadership might not turn these tides.

As voters prepare to head to the polls, it is now all but certain that Germany will soon have a new chancellor. The Christian Democratic Union’s Friedrich Merz is the firm favorite.

Merz has not shied away from blasting Scholz’s economic policies and from linking them to the lackluster state of Europe’s largest economy. He argues that a government under his leadership would give the economy the boost it needs.

Experts speaking to CNBC were less sure.

“There is a high risk that Germany will get a refurbished economic model after the elections, but not a brand new model that makes the competition jealous,” Carsten Brzeski, global head of macro at ING, told CNBC.

The CDU/CSU economic agenda

The CDU, which on a federal level ties up with regional sister party the Christian Social Union, is running on a “typical economic conservative program,” Brzeski said.

It includes income and corporate tax cuts, fewer subsidies and less bureaucracy, changes to social benefits, deregulation, support for innovation, start-ups and artificial intelligence and boosting investment among other policies, according to CDU/CSU campaigners.

“The weak parts of the positions are that the CDU/CSU is not very precise on how it wants to increase investments in infrastructure, digitalization and education. The intention is there, but the details are not,” Brzeski said, noting that the union appears to be aiming to revive Germany’s economic model without fully overhauling it.

“It is still a reform program which pretends that change can happen without pain,” he said.

Geraldine Dany-Knedlik, head of forecasting at research institute DIW Berlin, noted that the CDU is also looking to reach gross domestic product growth of around 2% again through its fiscal and economic program called “Agenda 2030.”

But reaching such levels of economic expansion in Germany “seems unrealistic,” not just temporarily, but also in the long run, she told CNBC.

Germany’s GDP declined in both 2023 and 2024. Recent quarterly growth readings have also been teetering on the verge of a technical recession, which has so far been narrowly avoided. The German economy shrank by 0.2% in the fourth quarter, compared with the previous three-month stretch, according to the latest reading.

Europe’s largest economy faces pressure in key industries like the auto sector, issues with infrastructure like the country’s rail network and a housebuilding crisis.

Dany-Knedlik also flagged the so-called debt brake, a long-standing fiscal rule that is enshrined in Germany’s constitution, which limits the size of the structural budget deficit and how much debt the government can take on.

Whether or not the clause should be overhauled has been a big part of the fiscal debate ahead of the election. While the CDU ideally does not want to change the debt brake, Merz has said that he may be open to some reform.

“To increase growth prospects substantially without increasing debt also seems rather unlikely,” DIW’s Dany-Knedlik said, adding that, if public investments were to rise within the limits of the debt brake, significant tax increases would be unavoidable.

“Taking into account that a 2 Percent growth target is to be reached within a 4 year legislation period, the Agenda 2030 in combination with conservatives attitude towards the debt break to me reads more of a wish list than a straight forward economic growth program,” she said.

Change in German government will deliver economic success, says CEO of German employers association

Franziska Palmas, senior Europe economist at Capital Economics, sees some benefits to the plans of the CDU-CSU union, saying they would likely “be positive” for the economy, but warning that the resulting boost would be small.

“Tax cuts would support consumer spending and private investment, but weak sentiment means consumers may save a significant share of their additional after-tax income and firms may be reluctant to invest,” she told CNBC.  

Palmas nevertheless pointed out that not everyone would come away a winner from the new policies. Income tax cuts would benefit middle- and higher-income households more than those with a lower income, who would also be affected by potential reductions of social benefits.

Coalition talks ahead

Following the Sunday election, the CDU/CSU will almost certainly be left to find a coalition partner to form a majority government, with the Social Democratic Party or the Green party emerging as the likeliest candidates.

The parties will need to broker a coalition agreement outlining their joint goals, including on the economy — which could prove to be a difficult undertaking, Capital Economics’ Palmas said.

“The CDU and the SPD and Greens have significantly different economic policy positions,” she said, pointing to discrepancies over taxes and regulation. While the CDU/CSU want to reduce both items, the SPD and Greens seek to raise taxes and oppose deregulation in at least some areas, Palmas explained.

The group is nevertheless likely to hold the power in any potential negotiations as it will likely have their choice between partnering with the SPD or Greens.

“Accordingly, we suspect that the coalition agreement will include most of the CDU’s main economic proposals,” she said.

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