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All the data shows inflation isn’t going away, making things tough on Fed

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A customer shops for food at a grocery store on March 12, 2024 in San Rafael, California.

Justin Sullivan | Getty Images News | Getty Images

The last batch of inflation news that Federal Reserve officials will see before their policy meeting next week is in, and none of it is very good.

In the aggregate, Commerce Department indexes that the Fed relies on for inflation signals showed prices continuing to climb at a rate still considerably ahead of the central bank’s 2% annual goal, according to separate reports this week.

Within that picture came several salient points: An abundance of money still sloshing through the financial system is giving consumers lasting buying power. In fact, shoppers are spending more than they’re taking in, a situation neither sustainable nor disinflationary. Finally, consumers are dipping into savings to fund those purchases, creating a precarious scenario, if not now then down the road.

Put it all together, and it adds up to a Fed likely to be cautious and not in the mood anytime soon to start cutting interest rates.

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“Just spending a lot of money is creating demand, it’s creating stimulus. With unemployment under 4%, it shouldn’t be that surprising that prices aren’t” going down, said Joseph LaVorgna, chief economist at SMBC Nikko Securities. “Spending numbers aren’t going down anytime soon. So you might have a sticky inflation scenario.”

Indeed, data the Bureau of Economic Analysis released Friday showed that spending outpaced income in March, as it has in three of the past four months, while the personal savings rate plunged to 3.2%, its lowest level since October 2022.

At the same time, the personal consumption expenditures price index, the Fed’s key measure in determining inflation pressures, moved up to 2.7% in March when including all items, and held at 2.8% for the vital core measure that takes out more volatile food and energy prices.

A day earlier, the department reported that annualized inflation in the first quarter ran at a 3.7% core rate in the first quarter in total, and 3.4% on the headline basis. That came as real gross domestic product growth slowed to a 1.6% pace, well below the consensus estimate.

Danger scenarios

The stubborn inflation data raised several ominous specters, namely that the Fed may have to keep rates elevated for longer than it or financial markets would like, threatening the hoped-for soft economic landing.

There’s an even more chilling threat that should inflation really persist, central bankers may have to not only consider holding rates where they are but also contemplate future hikes.

“For now, it means the Fed’s not going to be cutting, and if [inflation] doesn’t come down, the Fed’s either going to have to hike at some point or keep rates higher for longer,” said LaVorgna, who was chief economist for the National Economic Council under former President Donald Trump. “Does that ultimately give us the hard landing?”

The inflation problem in the U.S. today first emerged in 2022, and had multiple sources.

At the beginning of the flare-up, the issues came largely from supply chain disruptions that Fed officials thought would go away once shippers and manufacturers had the chance to catch up as pandemic restrictions eased.

But even with the Covid economic crisis well in the rear view mirror, Congress and the Biden administration continue to spend lavishly, with the budget deficit at 6.2% of GDP as of the end of 2023. That’s the highest outside of the Covid years since 2012 and a level generally associated with economic downturns, not expansions.

On top of that, a still-bustling labor market, in which job openings outnumbered available workers at one point by a 2 to 1 margin and are still at about 1.4 to 1, also helped keep wage pressures high.

Now, even with demand shifting back from goods to services, the normal state of the U.S. economy, inflation remains elevated and is confounding the Fed’s efforts to slow demand.

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Fed officials had thought inflation would ease this year as housing costs subsided. While most economists still expect an influx of supply to pull down shelter-related prices, other areas have cropped up.

For instance, core PCE services inflation excluding housing — a relatively new wrinkle in the inflation equation nicknamed “supercore” — is running at a 5.6% annualized rate over the past three months, according to Mike Sanders, head of fixed income at Madison Investments.

Demand, which the Fed’s rate hikes were supposed to quell, has remained robust, helping drive inflation and signaling that the central bank may not have as much power as it thinks to bring down the pace of price increases.

“If inflation remains higher, the Fed will be faced with the difficult choice of pushing the economy into a recession, abandoning its soft landing scenario, or tolerating inflation higher than 2%,” Sanders said. “To us, accepting higher inflation is the more prudent option.”

Worries about a hard landing

Thus far, the economy has managed to avoid broader damage from the inflation problem, though there are some notable cracks.

Credit delinquencies have hit their highest level in a decade, and there’s a growing unease on Wall Street that there’s more volatility to come.

Inflation expectations also are on the rise, with the closely watched University of Michigan consumer sentiment survey showing one- and five-year inflation expectations respectively at annual rates of 3.2% and 3%, their highest since November 2023.

No less a source than JPMorgan Chase CEO Jamie Dimon this week vacillated from calling the U.S. economic boom “unbelievable” on Wednesday to a day letter telling the Wall Street Journal that he’s worried all the government spending is creating inflation that is more intractable than what is currently appreciated.

“That’s driving a lot of this growth, and that will have other consequences possibly down the road called inflation, which may not go away like people expect,” Dimon said. “So I look at the range of possible outcomes. You can have that soft landing. I’m a little more worried that it may not be so soft and inflation may not go quite the way people expect.”

Dimon estimated that markets are pricing in the odds of a soft landing at 70%.

“I think it’s half that,” he said.

Economics

Donald Trump sacks America’s top military brass

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THE FIRST shot against America’s senior military leaders was fired within hours of Donald Trump’s inauguration on January 20th: General Mark Milley’s portrait was removed from the wall on the E-ring, where it had hung with paintings of other former chairmen of the joint chiefs of staff. A day later the commandant of the coast guard, Admiral Linda Fagan, was thrown overboard. On February 21st it was the most senior serving officer, General Charles “CQ” Brown, a former F-16 pilot, who was ejected from the Pentagon. At least he was spared a Trumpian farewell insult. “He is a fine gentleman and an outstanding leader,” Mr Trump declared.

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Checks and Balance newsletter: The journalist’s dilemma of covering Trump

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Germany’s election will usher in new leadership — but might not change its economy

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Production at the VW plant in Emden.

Sina Schuldt | Picture Alliance | Getty Images

The struggling German economy has been a major talking point among critics of Chancellor Olaf Scholz’ government during the latest election campaign — but analysts warn a new leadership might not turn these tides.

As voters prepare to head to the polls, it is now all but certain that Germany will soon have a new chancellor. The Christian Democratic Union’s Friedrich Merz is the firm favorite.

Merz has not shied away from blasting Scholz’s economic policies and from linking them to the lackluster state of Europe’s largest economy. He argues that a government under his leadership would give the economy the boost it needs.

Experts speaking to CNBC were less sure.

“There is a high risk that Germany will get a refurbished economic model after the elections, but not a brand new model that makes the competition jealous,” Carsten Brzeski, global head of macro at ING, told CNBC.

The CDU/CSU economic agenda

The CDU, which on a federal level ties up with regional sister party the Christian Social Union, is running on a “typical economic conservative program,” Brzeski said.

It includes income and corporate tax cuts, fewer subsidies and less bureaucracy, changes to social benefits, deregulation, support for innovation, start-ups and artificial intelligence and boosting investment among other policies, according to CDU/CSU campaigners.

“The weak parts of the positions are that the CDU/CSU is not very precise on how it wants to increase investments in infrastructure, digitalization and education. The intention is there, but the details are not,” Brzeski said, noting that the union appears to be aiming to revive Germany’s economic model without fully overhauling it.

“It is still a reform program which pretends that change can happen without pain,” he said.

Geraldine Dany-Knedlik, head of forecasting at research institute DIW Berlin, noted that the CDU is also looking to reach gross domestic product growth of around 2% again through its fiscal and economic program called “Agenda 2030.”

But reaching such levels of economic expansion in Germany “seems unrealistic,” not just temporarily, but also in the long run, she told CNBC.

Germany’s GDP declined in both 2023 and 2024. Recent quarterly growth readings have also been teetering on the verge of a technical recession, which has so far been narrowly avoided. The German economy shrank by 0.2% in the fourth quarter, compared with the previous three-month stretch, according to the latest reading.

Europe’s largest economy faces pressure in key industries like the auto sector, issues with infrastructure like the country’s rail network and a housebuilding crisis.

Dany-Knedlik also flagged the so-called debt brake, a long-standing fiscal rule that is enshrined in Germany’s constitution, which limits the size of the structural budget deficit and how much debt the government can take on.

Whether or not the clause should be overhauled has been a big part of the fiscal debate ahead of the election. While the CDU ideally does not want to change the debt brake, Merz has said that he may be open to some reform.

“To increase growth prospects substantially without increasing debt also seems rather unlikely,” DIW’s Dany-Knedlik said, adding that, if public investments were to rise within the limits of the debt brake, significant tax increases would be unavoidable.

“Taking into account that a 2 Percent growth target is to be reached within a 4 year legislation period, the Agenda 2030 in combination with conservatives attitude towards the debt break to me reads more of a wish list than a straight forward economic growth program,” she said.

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Franziska Palmas, senior Europe economist at Capital Economics, sees some benefits to the plans of the CDU-CSU union, saying they would likely “be positive” for the economy, but warning that the resulting boost would be small.

“Tax cuts would support consumer spending and private investment, but weak sentiment means consumers may save a significant share of their additional after-tax income and firms may be reluctant to invest,” she told CNBC.  

Palmas nevertheless pointed out that not everyone would come away a winner from the new policies. Income tax cuts would benefit middle- and higher-income households more than those with a lower income, who would also be affected by potential reductions of social benefits.

Coalition talks ahead

Following the Sunday election, the CDU/CSU will almost certainly be left to find a coalition partner to form a majority government, with the Social Democratic Party or the Green party emerging as the likeliest candidates.

The parties will need to broker a coalition agreement outlining their joint goals, including on the economy — which could prove to be a difficult undertaking, Capital Economics’ Palmas said.

“The CDU and the SPD and Greens have significantly different economic policy positions,” she said, pointing to discrepancies over taxes and regulation. While the CDU/CSU want to reduce both items, the SPD and Greens seek to raise taxes and oppose deregulation in at least some areas, Palmas explained.

The group is nevertheless likely to hold the power in any potential negotiations as it will likely have their choice between partnering with the SPD or Greens.

“Accordingly, we suspect that the coalition agreement will include most of the CDU’s main economic proposals,” she said.

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