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Economics

The Democrats will struggle to retain the Senate

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Methodology

The Economist’s model of America’s Congressional elections estimates both major parties’ chances of winning each House and Senate race, and of controlling each legislative chamber. The forecast combines national and race-level polls with fundamental data about past electoral results and the nominees in each contest, in order to estimate the probability of each possible outcome.

The model does this by first constructing 10,001 hypothetical scenarios for the national popular vote for the House of Representatives. In some simulations, Democrats will fare far better than expected across the country; in others, Republicans will. Next, it tacks on additional simulated uncertainty for how the outcomes of Senate races as a group may differ from those in the House.

Using these values, the model then estimates a different plausible range of outcomes in each race for each simulated national environment. So for example, a strong Republican Senate candidate running in a historically Democratic state might have a 30% chance of victory amid a nationwide “red wave”, but just a 5% chance if the House popular vote is tied and Senate Republicans as a whole are underperforming their colleagues in the lower chamber. Finally, the forecast picks one outcome at random from these ranges for each race in each simulation.

For specific seats, the win probabilities presented here represent the share of these simulations won by each candidate. For chamber control, they represent the share of simulations in which the given party wins a majority of seats. Our Senate forecast incorporates the daily simulations from our presidential model, in order to determine the probability that each party will control the vice-president’s tie-breaking vote in the event of a 50-50 seat split.

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Economics

Why Larry Hogan’s long-odds bid for a Senate seat matters

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FEW REPUBLICAN politicians differ more from Donald Trump than Larry Hogan, the GOP Senate candidate in Maryland. Consider the contrasts between a Trump rally and a Hogan event. Whereas Mr Trump prefers to take the stage and riff in front of packed arenas, Mr Hogan spent a recent Friday night chatting with locals at a waterfront wedding venue in Baltimore County. Mr Hogan’s stump speech, at around ten minutes, felt as long as a single off-script Trump tangent. Mr Trump delights in defying his advisers; Mr Hogan fastidiously sticks to talking points about bipartisanship, good governance and overcoming tough odds. Put another way, Mr Hogan’s campaign is something Mr Trump is rarely accused of being: boring. But it is intriguing.

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Economics

Polarisation by education is remaking American politics

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DEPENDING ON where exactly you find yourself, western Pennsylvania can feel Appalachian, Midwestern, booming or downtrodden. No matter where, however, this part of the state feels like the centre of the American political universe. Since she became the presumptive Democratic presidential nominee, Kamala Harris has visited Western Pennsylvania six times—more often than Philadelphia, on the other side of the state. She will mark her seventh on a trip on October 14th, to the small city of Erie, where Donald Trump also held a rally recently. Democratic grandees flit through Pittsburgh regularly. It is where Ms Harris chose to unveil the details of her economic agenda, and it is where Barack Obama visited on October 10th to deliver encouragement and mild chastisement. “Do not just sit back and hope for the best,” he admonished. “Get off your couch and vote.”

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Economics

Checks and Balance newsletter: Partisan positions have changed drastically over the past 50 years

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Kamala Harris and Donald Trump converge as much as they differ

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