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Why the Trump campaign is spending heavily on ads on trans issues

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FEW THINGS get Donald Trump more excited than talking about transgender issues. As he delivers his closing argument to America, barely a speech or ad goes by without a mention of “illegal aliens” getting “taxpayer-funded surgery” or biological males competing in women’s sports. Most of it is inflammatory and hateful. Some of it is clearly untrue, such as his claims that children are returning from school with sex changes, or his running-mate, J.D. Vance, suggesting this week that teens are “becoming trans” to get into Ivy League colleges. But some of it is not.

When asked recently how he would address the sports situation, Mr Trump said this was “such an easy question”: he would simply ban it. That brought loud cheers from the all-female Fox audience. It is a message Republicans are emphasising up and down the ballot. Recent polling by YouGov shows that Trump supporters have higher awareness of the former president’s policy on women’s sports than of his policy on abortion. In his final days of campaigning, Mr Trump is spending more on ads that attack Kamala Harris’s support for transgender rights than on any other subject, according to Politico.

Chart: The Economist

It is easy to see why. Most Americans favour basic protections for transgender people—against hate speech, for example, or discrimination at work—and believe transgender people should be treated with respect (see chart). Yet most agree with Mr Trump that some policies and practices, however rare, have gone too far. Only 19% of Americans, including 33% of Democrats, support the idea of trans athletes playing on the sports team that matches their gender identity rather than their biological sex, according to YouGov. Indeed 25 states now require transgender students to participate in sports based on their natal sex, for reasons of both safety and fairness. Only 30% of Americans believe prisons should be required to house transgender inmates according to their gender identity. And just 19% believe transgender youths should have access to puberty-blocking medication (27% are unsure and 54% are opposed).

All of these policies are associated with Democrats, either because they supported them in the past or because they have failed to acknowledge some of the practical tensions that come with slogans like “transwomen are women”. During her presidential campaign, Ms Harris’s strategy has been to avoid the T-word at all costs, pivoting instead to the safer ground of same-sex marriage or women’s reproductive rights. Whereas the Republican Party’s convention was full of (inflammatory) references to threats posed by trans people, including some remarks by Mr Trump’s two eldest sons, only two speakers at the Democratic convention mentioned trans people, neither of them in a primetime slot.

Ms Harris’s silence has left space for Mr Trump to fill with footage of her previous commitments (eg, to trans prisoners being able to get gender-affirming treatments) and with claims that, as a popular Republican ad concludes, “Crazy liberal Kamala is for they/them. President Trump is for you.” It seems to be resonating. According to new polling by The Economist/YouGov, despite her vow of silence, some 36% of Americans think Ms Harris talks about trans issues too much, compared with 23% who say the same about Mr Trump.

But will it matter?

Republicans hope that outrage over what Mr Trump calls “trans insanity” will be their version of what abortion has done for Democrats, but there is a crucial difference. Whereas many Americans say abortion is a leading reason to vote, few say the same about trans issues. Polling shows that social issues in general feature low on Trump voters’ priority list, and within social issues transgender health care (albeit an imperfect proxy) sits at the very bottom. Mr Trump’s lines clearly play well with his base, and are a sure-fire way of getting a rally audience to its feet, but there is little evidence that this specific issue will recruit many new voters (though Republican strategists claim it can help swing undecided voters, who could prove crucial).

Only Ms Harris knows whether her recent silence is just a ruse until she is elected or whether she has genuinely moderated her stance. If elected, one opportunity to show herself as more in touch with the electorate will come when her administration deals with the most controversial part of Title IX anti-discrimination protections that the Biden administration kicked down the road: how to deal with women’s sports. By then she might be ready to agree with her opponent on one matter: it is an easy question.

Economics

Gavin Newsom is ready for his close-up

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NORMALLY, GAVIN NEWSOM is loose. The Democratic governor of California talks with a staccato cadence, often flitting from one incomplete thought to the next. When he talks to journalists or asks a guest on his podcast a meandering question, he tends to use a lot of meaningless filler words: “in the context of” is a frequent Newsomism. But on June 10th he was clear and direct. “This brazen abuse of power by a sitting president inflamed a combustible situation,” he said during a televised address after President Donald Trump deployed nearly 5,000 troops to Los Angeles to quell protests over immigration raids. “We do not want our streets militarised by our own armed forces. Not in LA. Not in California. Not anywhere.”

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Economics

Consumer sentiment reading rebounds to much higher level than expected as people get over tariff shock

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A woman shops at a supermarket on April 30, 2025 in Arlington, Virginia.

Sha Hanting | China News Service | Getty Images

Consumers in the early part of June took a considerably less pessimistic about the economy and potential surges in inflation as progress appeared possible in the global trade war, according to a University of Michigan survey Friday.

The university’s closely watched Surveys of Consumers showed across-the-board rebounds from previously dour readings, while respondents also sharply cut back their outlook for near-term inflation.

For the headline index of consumer sentiment, the gauge was at 60.5, well ahead of the Dow Jones estimate for 54 and a 15.9% increase from a month ago. The current conditions index jumped 8.1%, while the future expectations measure soared 21.9%.

The moves coincided with a softening in the heated rhetoric that has surrounded President Donald Trump’s tariffs. After releasing his April 2 “liberation day” announcement, Trump has eased off the threats and instituted a 90-day negotiation period that appears to be showing progress, particularly with top trade rival China.

“Consumers appear to have settled somewhat from the shock of the extremely high tariffs announced in April and the policy volatility seen in the weeks that followed,” survey director Joanne Hsu said in a statement. “However, consumers still perceive wide-ranging downside risks to the economy.”

To be sure, all of the sentiment indexes were still considerably below their year-ago readings as consumers worry about what impact the tariffs will have on prices, along with a host of other geopolitical concerns.

On inflation, the one-year outlook tumbled from levels not seen since 1981.

The one-year estimate slid to 5.1%, a 1.5 percentage point drop, while the five-year view edged lower to 4.1%, a 0.1 percentage point decrease.

“Consumers’ fears about the potential impact of tariffs on future inflation have softened somewhat in June,” Hsu said. “Still, inflation expectations remain above readings seen throughout the second half of 2024, reflecting widespread beliefs that trade policy may still contribute to an increase in inflation in the year ahead.”

The Michigan survey, which will be updated at the end of the month, had been an outlier on inflation fears, with other sentiment and market indicators showing the outlook was fairly contained despite the tariff tensions. Earlier this week, the Federal Reserve of New York reported that the one-year view had fallen to 3.2% in May, a 0.4 percentage point drop from the prior month.

At the same time, the Bureau of Labor Statistics this week reported that both producer and consumer prices increase just 0.1% on a monthly basis, pointing toward little upward pressure from the duties. Economists still largely expect the tariffs to show impact in the coming months.

The soft inflation numbers have led Trump and other White House officials to demand the Fed start lowering interest rates again. The central bank is slated to meet next week, with market expectations strongly pointing to no cuts until September.

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Economics

Reeves’ plans contending with the bond market

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LONDON, UNITED KINGDOM – MARCH 26, 2025: Britain’s Chancellor of the Exchequer Rachel Reeves leaves 11 Downing Street ahead of the announcement of the Spring Statement in the House of Commons in London, United Kingdom on March 26, 2025. (Photo credit should read Wiktor Szymanowicz/Future Publishing via Getty Images)

Wiktor Szymanowicz | Future Publishing | Getty Images

Britain’s government is planning to ramp up public spending — but market watchers warn the proposals risk sending jitters through the bond market further inflating the country’s $143 billion-a-year interest payments.

U.K. Finance Minister Rachel Reeves on Wednesday announced the government would inject billions of pounds into defense, healthcare, infrastructure, and other areas of the economy, in the coming years. A day later, however, official data showed the U.K. economy shrank by a greater-than-expected 0.3% in April.

Funding public spending in the absence of a growing economy, leaves the government with two options: raise money through taxation, or take on more debt.

One way it can borrow is to issue bonds, known as gilts in the U.K., into the public market. By purchasing gilts, investors are essentially lending money to the government, with the yield on the bond representing the return the investor can expect to receive.

Gilt yields and prices move in opposite directions — so rising prices move yields lower, and vice versa. This year, gilt yields have seen volatile moves, with investors sensitive to geopolitical and macroeconomic instability.

The U.K. government’s long-term borrowing costs spiked to multi-decade highs in January, and the yield on 20- and 30-year gilts continues to hover firmly above 5%.

Official estimates show the government is expected to spend more than £105 billion ($142.9 billion) paying interest on its national debt in the 2025 fiscal year — £9.4 billion higher than at the the time of the Autumn budget last year — and £111 billion in annual interest in 2026.

The government did not say on Wednesday how its newly unveiled spending hikes will be funded, and did not respond to CNBC’s request for comment about where the money will come from. However, in her Autumn Budget last year, Reeves outlined plans to hike both taxes and borrowing. Following the budget, the finance minister pledged not to raise taxes again during the current Labour government’s term in office, saying that the government “won’t have to do a budget like this ever again.”

Andrew Goodwin, chief U.K. economist at Oxford Economics, said Britain’s government may be forced to go even further with its spending plans, with NATO poised to hike its defense spending target for member states to 5% of GDP, and once a U-turn on winter fuel payments for the elderly and other possible welfare reforms are factored in.

Additionally, Goodwin said, the U.K.’s Office for Budget Responsibility is likely to make “unfavorable revisions” to its economic forecasts in July, which would lead to lower tax receipts and higher borrowing.

“If recent movements in financial market pricing hold, debt servicing costs will be around £2.5bn ($3.4 billion) higher than they were at the time of the Spring Statement,” Goodwin warned in a note on Wednesday.

‘Very fragile situation’

Mel Stride, who serves as the shadow Chancellor in the U.K.’s opposition government, told CNBC’s “Squawk Box Europe” on Thursday that the Spending Review raised questions about whether “a huge amount of borrowing” will be involved in funding the government’s fiscal strategies.

“[Government] borrowing is having consequences in terms of higher inflation in the U.K. … and therefore interest rates [are] higher for longer,” he said. “It’s adding to the debt mountain, the servicing costs upon which are running at 100 billion [pounds] a year, that’s twice what we spend on defense.”

“I’m afraid the overall economy is in a very weak position to withstand the kind of spending and borrowing that this government is announcing,” Stride added.

UK is in a 'very fragile situation,' Shadow Chancellor Mel Stride says

Stride argued that Reeves will “almost certainly” have to raise taxes again in her next budget announcement due in the autumn.

“We’ve ended up in a very fragile situation, particularly when you’ve got the tariffs around the world,” he said.

Rufaro Chiriseri, head of fixed income for the British Isles at RBC Wealth Management, told CNBC that rising borrowing costs were putting Reeves’ “already small fiscal headroom at risk.”

“This reduced headroom could create a snowball effect, as investors could potentially become nervous to hold UK debt, which could lead to a further selloff until fiscal stability is restored,” he said.

Iain Barnes, Chief Investment Officer at Netwealth, also told CNBC on Thursday that the U.K. was in “a state of fiscal fragility, so room for manoeuvre is limited.”

“The market knows that if growth disappoints, then this year’s Budget may have to deliver higher taxes and increased borrowing to fund spending plans,” Barnes said.

However, April LaRusse, head of investment specialists at Insight Investment, argued there were ways for debt servicing burdens to be kept under control.

The U.K.’s Debt Management Office, which issues gilts, has scope to reshape issuance patters — the maturity and type of gilts issued — to help the government get its borrowing costs under control, she said.

“With the average yield on the 1-10 year gilts at c4% and the yield on the 15 year + gilts at 5.2% yield, there is scope to make the debt financing costs more affordable,” she explained.

However, LaRusse noted that debt interest payments for the U.K. government were estimated to reach the equivalent of around 3.5% of GDP this fiscal year, and that overspending could worsen the burden.

“This increase is driven not only by higher interest rates, which gradually translate into higher coupon payments, but also by elevated levels of government spending, compounding the fiscal burden,” she said.

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