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Italy firm got Carlyle cash and allegedly paid for yacht, winery

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It seemed like a low-risk bet when in 2020 Carlyle Group Inc. agreed to provide around €200 million ($210 million) in private bonds to Pro-Gest SpA, a family-owned paper and packaging company based near Venice.

The papermaker’s finances came under pressure in 2019 as production at one of its main plants was temporarily suspended by local authorities. The pandemic helped boost demand for paper packaging and Carlyle agreed to step in to refinance a portion of Pro-Gest’s debt when the company offered some of its best assets as collateral. The deal put the American private capital giant first in line for repayment in case anything went wrong, ahead of bondholders who had previously given the company €250 million.

Fast forward to 2025 and the company, after defaulting on some of its debt, is now attempting to restructure its obligations in a court-supervised process known locally as composizione negoziata.

The move follows months of negotiations with creditors that saw the company’s board overhauled, its first chief restructuring officer suddenly depart and — amid the negotiations with creditors — a draft report from the auditing firm Deloitte LLP that raised questions about more than €80 million of financial transactions by Pro-Gest and its owners, members of the Zago family. The expenses questioned included payments for a yacht and cash used to fund a prosecco winery.

The draft report was presented to Pro-Gest’s board, but never acted on. The company’s current CRO Angelo Rodolfi said in a statement to Bloomberg that claims the firm misused cash are “incorrect and untrue.”

But the episode underscores the difficulties often faced by lenders in the booming world of private credit. A few of the industry’s largest players have made lending to companies that aren’t owned by private equity a key piece of their strategy, hoping to reduce their reliance on buyout financing — an increasingly competitive and lower-return business — to deploy capital. While the loans typically come with high yields, they’re often provided to businesses that aren’t accustomed to the same high levels of disclosure and scrutiny as publicly traded borrowers.

Pro-Gest’s debt came from the Carlyle Credit Opportunities fund, a strategy launched in 2019 to provide capital “primarily for upper middle market borrowers,” including firms owned by families and entrepreneurs, according to the fund’s website.

By early last year, Pro-Gest had breached some of the terms governing the Carlyle debt, according to people familiar with the matter, who asked not to be identified because they aren’t authorized to talk about it. While the U.S. fund agreed to waive the breaches of financial covenants, it wanted to appoint independent directors to the board. And as part of the compromise between family owners and the fund, the board commissioned Deloitte to conduct a forensic analysis of Pro-Gest’s finances and transactions with related parties.

Deloitte analyzed internal accounting, collected material on the company’s IT devices through December 2023, and produced a draft report in May 2024 that identified potential anomalies with a total financial impact of about €81.6 million. 

Some of these transactions may have impacted Pro-Gest’s balance sheet, and others may have breached covenants in Carlyle’s debt and disclosure obligations, Deloitte said in the report. It also said founder Bruno Zago and other members of his family may have used company funds to pay for non-business-related expenses.

After Deloitte completed its draft report, a round of interviews with some employees and managers backed its preliminary findings, and the report was filed to Pro-Gest’s board for review, the people said. Over the summer, however, the chief restructuring officer and other independent directors suddenly resigned after less than six months in the post.

A new CRO and new board members were appointed, and while they received Deloitte’s draft report, they never voted on it, the people said.

As part of CRO Rodolfi’s response to Bloomberg in December, he said that claims the firm misused cash and the representation of events “are harmful and defamatory.” He didn’t comment on the details of the allegations contained in Deloitte’s draft report. The company said in a separate email response in early January that its own financial reports are correct.

Representatives for Deloitte and Carlyle declined to comment on the draft report.

Alleged breaches

Deloitte said it found 16 transactions that were in breach of the financial covenants of the debt Pro-Gest got from Carlyle. And it singled out 29 cases when the company’s cash coffers, which had been boosted by Carlyle’s funds, were allegedly used for non-business purposes.

The list of breaches includes a €1.4 million purchase of a Ferretti Custom Line 94 yacht, and zero-interest loans to several Zago family members and close allies, some of which weren’t paid back, according to the draft report.

Deloitte’s report also claimed Pro-Gest’s funds were used to finance family businesses that are legally and financially separate from the packaging group, including one that makes prosecco in the hills of Veneto, and a local food catering company. And Deloitte’s report said it found €12.5 million of “financials granted by Pro-Gest in favor of AMG,” a real estate company also owned by the Zago family. AMG didn’t respond to a request for comment.

Zago family members allegedly used company funds to pay for aircraft rentals for purposes not related to Pro-Gest’s core business, and to cover about €530,000 in yacht maintenance costs between 2021 and 2024, according to the draft report. They also moved assets back-and-forth between the Pro-Gest group and entities controlled by the Zagos, the report alleged.

For instance, in 2018 it sold €20 million worth of paper reels to World Cart Srl, a company in which Pro-Gest held a minority stake and whose biggest shareholder was Pro-Gest’s founder. In 2021 and 2022, after the debt from Carlyle helped stabilize Pro-Gest’s finances, the group bought back those assets from World Cart, which in turn directed a large chunk of its profits to benefit AMG, according to the draft report. 

Bruno Zago eventually transferred his stake in World Cart to Pro-Gest in October 2024, according to a corporate filing. Luca Lazzarotto, who owns 25% of World Cart and is the firm’s chief executive officer, said in an emailed statement to Bloomberg that he isn’t aware of strictly private information that was presented to Pro-Gest’s board, and warned against spreading false reports.

Debt talks

It’s unclear what Carlyle did when Deloitte submitted its report to the board. A Carlyle spokesperson declined to comment when asked whether the fund had received the report when it was sent to Pro-Gest’s board. 

Either way, Carlyle and unsecured creditors have been in on-and-off talks with the company to restructure its debt for more than a year. Pro-Gest stopped paying interest on its debt to bondholders in June, and didn’t pay the unsecured notes when they matured on Dec. 15. The private bonds from Carlyle are due this year.

This month, Pro-Gest said it had entered court-supervised negotiations and issued a proposal to extend debt maturities, sell assets and reduce rental costs. It also plans to recover funds credited to AMG. The court-supervised procedure, which protects the company against its creditors, can last as long as a year.

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Accountants on IRS and PwC layoffs, accounting students and more

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Complimentary Access Pill

Enjoy complimentary access to top ideas and insights — selected by our editors.

This week’s stats focus in part on the job titles seeing the greatest losses at the IRS during layoffs; as well as the states that have proposed or passed alternatives to the 150-hour rule; the percentage of master’s in accounting program applicants since 2020; the number of PwC employees laid off in May; the projected size of Deloitte’s new New York City headquarters; and the amount of 2026 HSA annual contribution limits, depending on coverage.

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CrowdStrike says DOJ, SEC sent inquiries on firm accounting

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CrowdStrike Holdings Inc. said U.S. officials have asked for information related to the accounting of deals it’s made with some customers and said the cybersecurity firm is cooperating with the inquiry.

The Austin, Texas-based company said in a filing Wednesday that it has gotten “requests for information” from the U.S. Department of Justice and the Securities and Exchange Commission “relating to the company’s recognition of revenue and reporting of ARR for transactions with certain customers.” ARR refers to annual recurring revenue, a measure of earnings from subscriptions.

The company said the federal officials have also sought information related to a CrowdStrike update last year that crashed Windows operating systems around the world.

“The company is cooperating and providing information in response to these requests,” the filing states.

U.S. prosecutors and regulators have been investigating a $32 million deal between CrowdStrike and a technology distributor, Carahsoft Technology Corp., to provide cybersecurity tools to the Internal Revenue Service, Bloomberg News first reported in February. The IRS never purchased or received the products, Bloomberg News earlier reported.

The investigators are probing what senior CrowdStrike executives may have known about the $32 million deal and are examining other transactions made by the cybersecurity firm, Bloomberg News reported in May.

Asked for comment about the filing, CrowdStrike spokesperson Brian Merrill said, “As we have told Bloomberg repeatedly, this is old news and we stand by the accounting of the transaction.” 

A lawyer for Carahsoft previously declined to comment on the federal investigations, and representatives didn’t respond to subsequent requests for comment about them.

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Elon Musk urges Americans take action to ‘kill’ Trump tax cut bill

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Tech titan Elon Musk ratcheted up his offensive against Donald Trump’s signature tax bill on Wednesday, urging that Americans contact their lawmakers to “KILL” the legislation.

“Call your Senator, Call your Congressman,” Musk wrote in a social media post. “Bankrupting America is NOT ok!”

The post came one day after Musk lashed out at the tax bill, describing it as a budget-busting “disgusting abomination” as Republican fiscal hawks stepped up criticism of the massive fiscal package. 

Trump hasn’t publicly responded to Musk’s comments, but the White House put out a statement Wednesday saying the legislation “unleashes an era of unprecedented economic growth.” 

And House Speaker Mike Johnson told reporters that Musk is “dead wrong” about the bill and that the tax cuts will pay for themselves through economic growth.

Musk’s public condemnation pits him against the president at a critical time as Trump is personally lobbying holdouts on the bill. His campaign against the legislation threatens to stiffen resistance and delay enactment of the tax cuts and debt ceiling increase. 

Musk has attacked the legislation days after leaving a temporary assignment leading the administration’s Department of Government Efficiency initiative to cut federal spending. The Tesla Inc. chief executive officer’s high-profile role in the Trump administration eroded his business brand and sales of his company’s electric vehicles plunged. 

The House-passed version of the tax and spending bill would add $2.4 trillion to U.S. budget deficits over the next decade, according to an estimate released Wednesday from the nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office.

The CBO’s calculation reflects a $3.67 trillion decrease in expected revenues and a $1.25 trillion decline in spending over the decade through 2034, relative to baseline projections. The score doesn’t account for any potential boost to the economy from the bill, which Johnson and Trump argue would offset the revenue losses. 

Musk, the world’s richest man with a net worth of about $377 billion according to the Bloomberg Billionaires Index, has become a crucial financial backer of the Republican party. After making modest donations most years, Musk became the biggest U.S. political donor in 2024, giving more than $290 million.

Johnson said Musk had promised to help reelect Republicans just a day before savaging Trump’s bill. Musk did not respond to a request for comment. 

Most of Musk’s giving was aimed at electing Trump but he also supported congressional candidates. America PAC, the super political action committee that Musk largely funded, spent $18.5 million in 17 separate House races. Though that total pales in comparison to the roughly $255 million he spent backing Trump, the spending means a lot in a congressional election, where challengers on average raise less than $1 million.

Control of the House will likely be decided by the outcome of fewer than two dozen close races in the 2026 midterm elections. The GOP’s chances of holding their majority would suffer a major blow if Musk were to withdraw his financial support.

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