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An unfinished election may shape a swing state’s future

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WHEN SHOULD an election loser concede? That question lies at the core of a fight over a North Carolina state Supreme Court race that is still being contested months after election day. Jefferson Griffin, a Republican, challenged the incumbent Democrat, Allison Riggs, for her seat in November. After losing by just 734 votes he requested two recounts. When both reaffirmed her win he brought lawsuits, challenging the ballots of nearly 70,000 voters. On January 7th the Republican court, which he hopes to sit on, delayed certification of Ms Riggs’s victory.

Mr Griffin is questioning several sets of voters. They include 5,500 who live abroad or on military bases and did not present a photo ID with their absentee ballots. Another group of just over 60,000 filed registration forms missing a Social Security or driving-licence number. Among the rest, he says, are felons and dead people.

Democrats are up in arms about the challenges. “This is probably the most anti-democratic action we’ve seen on the state level,” says Morgan Jackson, a party strategist. The two largest groups of voters under scrutiny did nothing wrong. According to the rules set by the state election board, overseas voters are exempt from providing ID, and although the board was aware that some voters had incomplete registration forms, it chose not to fix them before the election. That decision was blessed by a federal judge.

An analysis by Chris Cooper of Western Carolina University finds that less than a quarter of the two largest groups of voters being challenged are Republicans. And Mr Griffin is questioning overseas votes in only four of North Carolina’s 100 counties—the most urban, Democratic ones. Mr Griffin is not shy about his goals: in a brief filed last week he encouraged the court to stop checking ballots once the outcome flips in his favour.

At stake is the political future of one of America’s swingiest states, a hotbed for battles over redistricting. The state court is the arbiter of election maps. If Mr Griffin were to secure a spot on the 5-2 Republican-controlled bench, Republicans would surely determine redistricting after the 2030 census. But such a naked power-grab could backfire, says Mr Cooper. North Carolina will host one of the country’s most competitive Senate races in 2026. Even Republicans admit that a story about their team trying to nullify legal votes could help Democrats in that one.

Bob Orr, a former Republican justice who has since left the party, reckons the idea of the legal challenge was prepared before the election for Donald Trump, in case the presidential race in North Carolina was close. Paul Shumaker, who ran Mr Griffin’s campaign, denies that. Republicans claim that the state election board, which is run by Democrats, misinterpreted North Carolina’s voter-ID mandate. Although the rule exempting overseas voters was unanimously confirmed by a rules committee, Republicans believe that the appointed board ought not to be allowed to carve out exceptions from state law. “Why should some people vote under different rules?” Mr Shumaker asks.

Jim Stirling of the John Locke Foundation, a conservative think-tank, says changing the game after everyone has played seems like a hard sell. Yet partisans are committed to the fight. Jason Simmons, the Republican state-party chair, says that Mr Griffin’s loss simply made their unresolved concerns more pressing. He reckons Democrats are the ones playing dirty. “Instead of allowing the process to play itself out they want to adjudicate this in the courts of public opinion,” he says.

Meanwhile the legal challenge is moving through both state and federal courts. On January 27th the federal Fourth Circuit appeals court will hear arguments—its ruling would override a state one. So far one Republican state justice has voiced opposition to Mr Griffin’s arguments. Citing doctrine that prohibits changing election law late in the process, Richard Dietz chastised Republicans for trying to scrap ballots of voters who complied with current rules. Doing so, he wrote, “invites incredible mischief”. 

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Economics

Why stricter voting laws no longer help Republicans

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“The Republicans should pray for rain”—the title of a paper published by a trio of political scientists in 2007—has been an axiom of American elections for years. The logic was straightforward: each inch of election-day showers, the study found, dampened turnout by 1%. Lower turnout gave Republicans an edge because the party’s affluent electorate had the resources to vote even when it was inconvenient. Their opponents, less so.

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Economics

Why the president must not be lexicographer-in-chief

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Who decides what legal terms mean? If it is Donald Trump, God help America

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Economics

Inflation rate slipped to 2.1% in April, lower than expected, Fed’s preferred gauge shows

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Inflation rate slipped to 2.1% in April, lower than expected, Fed’s preferred gauge shows

Inflation barely budged in April as tariffs President Donald Trump implemented in the early part of the month had yet to show up in consumer prices, the Commerce Department reported Friday.

The personal consumption expenditures price index, the Federal Reserve’s key inflation measure, increased just 0.1% for the month, putting the annual inflation rate at 2.1%. The monthly reading was in line with the Dow Jones consensus forecast while the annual level was 0.1 percentage point lower.

Excluding food and energy, the core reading that tends to get even greater focus from Fed policymakers showed readings of 0.1% and 2.5%, against respective estimates of 0.1% and 2.6%.

Consumer spending, though, slowed sharply for the month, posting just a 0.2% increase, in line with the consensus but slower than the 0.7% rate in March. A more cautious consumer mood also was reflected in the personal savings rate, which jumped to 4.9%, up from 0.6 percentage point in March to the highest level in nearly a year.

Personal income surged 0.8%, a slight increase from the prior month but well ahead of the forecast for 0.3%.

Markets showed little reaction to the news, with stock futures continuing to point lower and Treasury yields mixed.

People shop at a grocery store in Brooklyn on May 13, 2025 in New York City.

Spencer Platt | Getty Images

Trump has been pushing the Fed to lower its key interest rate as inflation has continued to gravitate back to the central bank’s 2% target. However, policymakers have been hesitant to move as they await the longer-term impacts of the president’s trade policy.

On Thursday, Trump and Fed Chair Jerome Powell held their first face-to-face meeting since the president started his second term. However, a Fed statement indicated the future path of monetary policy was not discussed and stressed that decisions would be made free of political considerations.

Trump slapped across-the-board 10% duties on all U.S. imports, part of an effort to even out a trading landscape in which the U.S. ran a record $140.5 billion deficit in March. In addition to the general tariffs, Trump launched selective reciprocal tariffs much higher than the 10% general charge.

Since then, though, Trump has backed off the more severe tariffs in favor of a 90-day negotiating period with the affected countries. Earlier this week, an international court struck down the tariffs, saying Trump exceeded his authority and didn’t prove that national security was threatened by the trade issues.

Then in the latest installment of the drama, an appeals court allowed a White House effort for a temporary stay of the order from the U.S. Court of International Trade.

Economists worry that tariffs could spark another round of inflation, though the historical record shows that their impact is often minimal.

At their policy meeting earlier this month, Fed officials also expressed worry about potential tariff inflation, particularly at a time when concerns are rising about the labor market. Higher prices and slower economic growth can yield stagflation, a phenomenon the U.S. hasn’t seen since the early 1980s.

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