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Dana White, martial-arts magnate and Trump cheerleader

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ANYONE UNFAMILIAR with combat sports, or the leading lights of Donald Trump’s “MAGA world”, may have been surprised to see a bald, stocky man on the podium after Donald Trump’s victory speech. Shouting the president-elect’s praises with the practised passion of a carnival barker was Dana White, the boss of the Ultimate Fighting Championship (UFC), the world’s largest mixed martial-arts (MMA) promotion. Mr White knows a thing or two about talking up pugilistic characters like Mr Trump.

To the Trump faithful, he was more familiar. Mr White spoke at the Republican National Convention (RNC) in 2016, when Mr Trump became the party’s nominee for the first time. He told the convention of the origins of their friendship: when Mr White took over the failing UFC in 2001, no venue would play host to the “bloodsport”. That is, until Mr Trump offered one of his casinos. Expressing a thought that has since become a mantra for Trump fans, Mr White told the crowd: “Nobody took us seriously, except Donald Trump.”

Mr White praised the qualities of “the Donald Trump that I know”: his “great business instincts”, that he is a “hard worker” and that he is a “loyal and supportive friend”. That these claims were all highly disputable even in 2016 was irrelevant. Like any good fight promoter—and Mr Trump himself—Mr White knows you shouldn’t worry too much about truth when creating a myth.

Mr White’s own origin story, recounted in many interviews and features, is harder to fact-check. The standard version is the tale of a hard-scrabble kid who grew up on the streets of Southie (as South Boston is affectionately known by locals) and in Las Vegas. A bit of a brawler, he got into amateur boxing and eventually co-ran a gym. There he taught boxing to local youths and boxing fitness to businessmen and housewives.

After an extortion attempt by an associate of Whitey Bulger, a notorious local gangster once played on screen by Johnny Depp, he returned from Boston to Las Vegas. He opened another gym and got into MMA, a multi-discipline combat sport so violent that it used to be banned in 36 American states. (John McCain, a senator, presidential candidate and boxing fan from Arizona, once called it “human cockfighting”.) Mr White convinced two childhood friends to buy the UFC for $2m and let him run it.

He cleaned up the sport, professionalising and popularising it. UFC now airs in more than 170 countries and is worth $11.3bn, according to Forbes, a business magazine. The authorised version of Mr White’s story paints its hero as a charming rogue with a foul mouth and a bit of a temper, whose rough edges and upbringing made him the businessman—and showman—he is today. His superpower, he says proudly, is that he’s “a savage”.

Others paint a darker picture. In her “unauthorised biography” of Mr White, his own mother contests the “boy-raising-himself-in-the-streets myth”. And she says his move to Las Vegas was motivated by a falling-out with his business partner, making no mention of a run-in with organised crime. She admits her son’s importance to the popularisation of MMA. But she says his meteoric rise made him “egotistical, self-centred, arrogant and cruel”—a ruthless “tyrant” who rules those around him “by intimidation”.

Some who have had disagreements with Mr White might concur. He has had bitter and protracted legal fights with several of his fighters over allegations of low pay and exploitative contracts. (Mr White denies that there is any problem with fighters’ pay.) And a video that emerged of Mr White slapping his wife in 2022—an incident he admitted to and apologised for—suggests that his brash persona is not always harmless pantomime.

His long friendship with Mr Trump is perhaps unsurprising. Mr Trump is a fight fan, whether it be UFC, boxing or wrestling. His love of strongmen, literal and figurative, is well-documented. The once-and-future president may even see a little of himself in the self-promoter’s unapologetic machismo. Mr White spoke at the RNC not only in 2016 but the next two as well.

The president-elect doubtless understands that his friendship with the fight promoter helps him with young male voters. Some 49% of 18- to 29-year-olds plumped for him, according to exit polls, up from 41% in 2020. At Mr Trump’s victory celebration Mr White shouted out the names of podcasters and YouTube stars who appeal to the sort of young men who follow UFC. One of them was Joe Rogan, a comedian and former UFC commentator who is now among the world’s most popular podcasters.

Now the fight is won, what purse will Mr White receive? A spokesman has said  he has “no personal political ambitions”, and speculation that he may have secured himself a cabinet position still seems far-fetched. But whatever happens, UFC’s fighting spirit seems likely to remain in favour in the Trump White House and its boss a potent influence.

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Donald Trump sacks America’s top military brass

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THE FIRST shot against America’s senior military leaders was fired within hours of Donald Trump’s inauguration on January 20th: General Mark Milley’s portrait was removed from the wall on the E-ring, where it had hung with paintings of other former chairmen of the joint chiefs of staff. A day later the commandant of the coast guard, Admiral Linda Fagan, was thrown overboard. On February 21st it was the most senior serving officer, General Charles “CQ” Brown, a former F-16 pilot, who was ejected from the Pentagon. At least he was spared a Trumpian farewell insult. “He is a fine gentleman and an outstanding leader,” Mr Trump declared.

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Checks and Balance newsletter: The journalist’s dilemma of covering Trump

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Checks and Balance newsletter: The journalist’s dilemma of covering Trump

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Germany’s election will usher in new leadership — but might not change its economy

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Production at the VW plant in Emden.

Sina Schuldt | Picture Alliance | Getty Images

The struggling German economy has been a major talking point among critics of Chancellor Olaf Scholz’ government during the latest election campaign — but analysts warn a new leadership might not turn these tides.

As voters prepare to head to the polls, it is now all but certain that Germany will soon have a new chancellor. The Christian Democratic Union’s Friedrich Merz is the firm favorite.

Merz has not shied away from blasting Scholz’s economic policies and from linking them to the lackluster state of Europe’s largest economy. He argues that a government under his leadership would give the economy the boost it needs.

Experts speaking to CNBC were less sure.

“There is a high risk that Germany will get a refurbished economic model after the elections, but not a brand new model that makes the competition jealous,” Carsten Brzeski, global head of macro at ING, told CNBC.

The CDU/CSU economic agenda

The CDU, which on a federal level ties up with regional sister party the Christian Social Union, is running on a “typical economic conservative program,” Brzeski said.

It includes income and corporate tax cuts, fewer subsidies and less bureaucracy, changes to social benefits, deregulation, support for innovation, start-ups and artificial intelligence and boosting investment among other policies, according to CDU/CSU campaigners.

“The weak parts of the positions are that the CDU/CSU is not very precise on how it wants to increase investments in infrastructure, digitalization and education. The intention is there, but the details are not,” Brzeski said, noting that the union appears to be aiming to revive Germany’s economic model without fully overhauling it.

“It is still a reform program which pretends that change can happen without pain,” he said.

Geraldine Dany-Knedlik, head of forecasting at research institute DIW Berlin, noted that the CDU is also looking to reach gross domestic product growth of around 2% again through its fiscal and economic program called “Agenda 2030.”

But reaching such levels of economic expansion in Germany “seems unrealistic,” not just temporarily, but also in the long run, she told CNBC.

Germany’s GDP declined in both 2023 and 2024. Recent quarterly growth readings have also been teetering on the verge of a technical recession, which has so far been narrowly avoided. The German economy shrank by 0.2% in the fourth quarter, compared with the previous three-month stretch, according to the latest reading.

Europe’s largest economy faces pressure in key industries like the auto sector, issues with infrastructure like the country’s rail network and a housebuilding crisis.

Dany-Knedlik also flagged the so-called debt brake, a long-standing fiscal rule that is enshrined in Germany’s constitution, which limits the size of the structural budget deficit and how much debt the government can take on.

Whether or not the clause should be overhauled has been a big part of the fiscal debate ahead of the election. While the CDU ideally does not want to change the debt brake, Merz has said that he may be open to some reform.

“To increase growth prospects substantially without increasing debt also seems rather unlikely,” DIW’s Dany-Knedlik said, adding that, if public investments were to rise within the limits of the debt brake, significant tax increases would be unavoidable.

“Taking into account that a 2 Percent growth target is to be reached within a 4 year legislation period, the Agenda 2030 in combination with conservatives attitude towards the debt break to me reads more of a wish list than a straight forward economic growth program,” she said.

Change in German government will deliver economic success, says CEO of German employers association

Franziska Palmas, senior Europe economist at Capital Economics, sees some benefits to the plans of the CDU-CSU union, saying they would likely “be positive” for the economy, but warning that the resulting boost would be small.

“Tax cuts would support consumer spending and private investment, but weak sentiment means consumers may save a significant share of their additional after-tax income and firms may be reluctant to invest,” she told CNBC.  

Palmas nevertheless pointed out that not everyone would come away a winner from the new policies. Income tax cuts would benefit middle- and higher-income households more than those with a lower income, who would also be affected by potential reductions of social benefits.

Coalition talks ahead

Following the Sunday election, the CDU/CSU will almost certainly be left to find a coalition partner to form a majority government, with the Social Democratic Party or the Green party emerging as the likeliest candidates.

The parties will need to broker a coalition agreement outlining their joint goals, including on the economy — which could prove to be a difficult undertaking, Capital Economics’ Palmas said.

“The CDU and the SPD and Greens have significantly different economic policy positions,” she said, pointing to discrepancies over taxes and regulation. While the CDU/CSU want to reduce both items, the SPD and Greens seek to raise taxes and oppose deregulation in at least some areas, Palmas explained.

The group is nevertheless likely to hold the power in any potential negotiations as it will likely have their choice between partnering with the SPD or Greens.

“Accordingly, we suspect that the coalition agreement will include most of the CDU’s main economic proposals,” she said.

Germany is 'lacking ambition,' investor says

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