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Dana White, martial-arts magnate and Trump cheerleader

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ANYONE UNFAMILIAR with combat sports, or the leading lights of Donald Trump’s “MAGA world”, may have been surprised to see a bald, stocky man on the podium after Donald Trump’s victory speech. Shouting the president-elect’s praises with the practised passion of a carnival barker was Dana White, the boss of the Ultimate Fighting Championship (UFC), the world’s largest mixed martial-arts (MMA) promotion. Mr White knows a thing or two about talking up pugilistic characters like Mr Trump.

To the Trump faithful, he was more familiar. Mr White spoke at the Republican National Convention (RNC) in 2016, when Mr Trump became the party’s nominee for the first time. He told the convention of the origins of their friendship: when Mr White took over the failing UFC in 2001, no venue would play host to the “bloodsport”. That is, until Mr Trump offered one of his casinos. Expressing a thought that has since become a mantra for Trump fans, Mr White told the crowd: “Nobody took us seriously, except Donald Trump.”

Mr White praised the qualities of “the Donald Trump that I know”: his “great business instincts”, that he is a “hard worker” and that he is a “loyal and supportive friend”. That these claims were all highly disputable even in 2016 was irrelevant. Like any good fight promoter—and Mr Trump himself—Mr White knows you shouldn’t worry too much about truth when creating a myth.

Mr White’s own origin story, recounted in many interviews and features, is harder to fact-check. The standard version is the tale of a hard-scrabble kid who grew up on the streets of Southie (as South Boston is affectionately known by locals) and in Las Vegas. A bit of a brawler, he got into amateur boxing and eventually co-ran a gym. There he taught boxing to local youths and boxing fitness to businessmen and housewives.

After an extortion attempt by an associate of Whitey Bulger, a notorious local gangster once played on screen by Johnny Depp, he returned from Boston to Las Vegas. He opened another gym and got into MMA, a multi-discipline combat sport so violent that it used to be banned in 36 American states. (John McCain, a senator, presidential candidate and boxing fan from Arizona, once called it “human cockfighting”.) Mr White convinced two childhood friends to buy the UFC for $2m and let him run it.

He cleaned up the sport, professionalising and popularising it. UFC now airs in more than 170 countries and is worth $11.3bn, according to Forbes, a business magazine. The authorised version of Mr White’s story paints its hero as a charming rogue with a foul mouth and a bit of a temper, whose rough edges and upbringing made him the businessman—and showman—he is today. His superpower, he says proudly, is that he’s “a savage”.

Others paint a darker picture. In her “unauthorised biography” of Mr White, his own mother contests the “boy-raising-himself-in-the-streets myth”. And she says his move to Las Vegas was motivated by a falling-out with his business partner, making no mention of a run-in with organised crime. She admits her son’s importance to the popularisation of MMA. But she says his meteoric rise made him “egotistical, self-centred, arrogant and cruel”—a ruthless “tyrant” who rules those around him “by intimidation”.

Some who have had disagreements with Mr White might concur. He has had bitter and protracted legal fights with several of his fighters over allegations of low pay and exploitative contracts. (Mr White denies that there is any problem with fighters’ pay.) And a video that emerged of Mr White slapping his wife in 2022—an incident he admitted to and apologised for—suggests that his brash persona is not always harmless pantomime.

His long friendship with Mr Trump is perhaps unsurprising. Mr Trump is a fight fan, whether it be UFC, boxing or wrestling. His love of strongmen, literal and figurative, is well-documented. The once-and-future president may even see a little of himself in the self-promoter’s unapologetic machismo. Mr White spoke at the RNC not only in 2016 but the next two as well.

The president-elect doubtless understands that his friendship with the fight promoter helps him with young male voters. Some 49% of 18- to 29-year-olds plumped for him, according to exit polls, up from 41% in 2020. At Mr Trump’s victory celebration Mr White shouted out the names of podcasters and YouTube stars who appeal to the sort of young men who follow UFC. One of them was Joe Rogan, a comedian and former UFC commentator who is now among the world’s most popular podcasters.

Now the fight is won, what purse will Mr White receive? A spokesman has said  he has “no personal political ambitions”, and speculation that he may have secured himself a cabinet position still seems far-fetched. But whatever happens, UFC’s fighting spirit seems likely to remain in favour in the Trump White House and its boss a potent influence.

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Economics

UK Has a New Prime Minister Without a General Election

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UK Has a New Prime Minister Without a General Election

On July 20, Andy Burnham has been chosen to be the next Prime Minister in UK. The appointment of a new Prime Minister in the United Kingdom often raises questions from people outside the country, especially when no nationwide election has taken place. Many wonder how a new national leader can assume office without voters casting ballots. The answer lies in the UK’s parliamentary system, where the Prime Minister is not directly elected by the public but is instead chosen based on who commands the confidence of the House of Commons.

How the UK Selects Its Prime Minister

Unlike presidential systems where citizens vote directly for the head of government, the United Kingdom elects Members of Parliament (MPs) during a general election. The political party that secures a majority of seats in the House of Commons usually forms the government, and that party selects its own leader to serve as Prime Minister.

If the leader resigns, becomes unable to continue, or is replaced by their party, the governing party can choose a new leader without triggering a general election. As long as the new leader is able to maintain the confidence of Parliament, they can immediately become Prime Minister after being formally appointed by the monarch.

Why No Election Was Required

A general election is not automatically required every time the office of Prime Minister changes hands. The governing party retains its parliamentary majority because voters elected MPs rather than an individual Prime Minister. If the ruling party chooses a new leader through its internal leadership process, the government continues to operate without interruption.

This constitutional arrangement provides stability and allows the government to continue functioning during periods of political transition. It also avoids the expense and disruption of holding a nationwide election every time party leadership changes.

The King’s Constitutional Role

After a governing party elects a new leader, the monarch invites that individual to form a government. This constitutional step is largely ceremonial and follows long-established conventions. The King appoints the person most likely to command a majority in the House of Commons, ensuring continuity of government.

Although the monarch formally appoints the Prime Minister, political power rests with Parliament and the elected representatives of the British people.

Could an Election Still Happen?

Yes. A newly appointed Prime Minister has the authority to request a general election if they believe it is politically advantageous or if they seek a stronger public mandate. Parliament can also reach a point where a government loses the confidence of the House of Commons, potentially leading to an election or the formation of a new government.

In many cases, however, a new Prime Minister continues governing until the next scheduled general election.

What This Means for the UK

The UK’s parliamentary democracy is designed to ensure government continuity while respecting the results of the most recent general election. Leadership changes within the governing party do not automatically alter the composition of Parliament, which is why a new Prime Minister can take office without another nationwide vote.

Understanding this process helps explain why political transitions in the United Kingdom can appear different from those in countries with presidential systems. While the Prime Minister may change, the democratic mandate of Parliament remains in place until voters elect a new House of Commons at the next general election.

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Economics

Global Grid Upgrades Reshape Macro Economics

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Global grid upgrades reshape macro economics

On July 21, 2026, global economic analysis shifts focus toward a defining structural macroeconomic trend: the massive expansion of public and private capital deployment into high-capacity electrical grid infrastructure. As industrial electrification, automated data center hubs, and renewable energy integration accelerate worldwide, sovereign governments and institutional investors are facing a monumental economic challenge. Updating legacy power grids to meet skyrocketing demand has emerged as a primary driver of long-term capital expenditures and industrial productivity across both developed and emerging market economies.

According to international economic policy updates released this week, grid infrastructure investments are projected to exceed multi-trillion-dollar thresholds over the coming decade. Economic planners caution that without modernized, high-voltage transmission networks, regional manufacturing sectors face severe energy bottlenecks, localized power price volatility, and operational constraints. Consequently, infrastructure spending is rapidly transitioning from passive utility maintenance into a vital component of national economic competitiveness and industrial policy.

The macroeconomic ripple effects of this capital deployment are being felt across global commodity markets and labor networks. High demand for structural industrial inputs—such as copper, aluminum, specialized electrical steel, and high-capacity transformers—has created sustained pricing support for critical material producers. Simultaneously, the specialized technical labor required to manufacture and deploy modern grid hardware is driving wage growth in industrial sectors, adding a complex new layer to central bank disinflation trajectories.

For global policymakers and strategic investors, the economics of energy grid modernization represent a double-edged sword. While massive infrastructure investment boosts short-term gross domestic product (GDP) and strengthens domestic industrial foundations, it requires disciplined fiscal allocation to prevent inflationary crowding-out of private capital. Countries that efficiently streamline grid infrastructure permitting and mobilize private investment will secure lower long-term energy costs, attracting high-tech manufacturing and reinforcing sustainable economic growth.

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Economics

Global Trade Realignment and Supply Chains in 2026

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Global Trade Realignment and Supply Chains in 2026

The international trade architecture entering the second half of 2026 is undergoing a profound structural pivot. As major sovereign economic blocs adjust to the long-term impact of unilateral tariffs and escalating regional subsidies, traditional globalized supply chains are being rapidly replaced by bilateral trade corridors and regional alliance networks. Data released in late July 2026 highlights a significant divergence: while cross-continental freight volumes between non-aligned partners have cooled, intra-regional trade throughout North America, Southeast Asia, and Eastern Europe has surged to record levels. This shift reflects a broader macroeconomic strategy wherein multinational corporations prioritize geopolitical resilience over pure cost minimization.

The primary economic catalyst behind this regionalization is the proliferation of sector-specific tariffs targeting critical industries, notably battery components, clean energy technology, and advanced semiconductor hardware. In response, global manufacturers have adopted multi-tier sourcing models that distribute production across intermediate partner nations before final assembly. While this strategy successfully bypasses primary import duties, it adds structural layers of logistical complexity and administrative oversight. Economists note that while total output remains robust, aggregate production costs have drifted upward, contributing to persistent baseline inflation across major consumer markets.

Simultaneously, currency settlement patterns within these regional blocs are experiencing a notable transformation. Sovereign central banks and commercial institutions are increasingly utilizing localized currency swap lines and digital clearing mechanisms to settle cross-border trade transactions. This transition reduces direct exposure to foreign exchange volatility and mitigates third-party liquidity constraints, further solidifying regional economic cohesion. However, for developing economies situated outside these primary trading alliances, the tightening of international trade networks presents severe challenges, restricting access to key export markets and foreign direct investment.

For corporate strategists and policy analysts navigating late 2026, success requires a thorough understanding of these emerging trade corridors. Organizations must conduct regular risk assessments of their multi-tier supplier networks, model tariff sensitivities under shifting geopolitical scenarios, and invest in real-time supply chain telemetry. As regional economic blocs strengthen their regulatory borders, supply chain agility and compliance fortitude will distinguish market leaders from vulnerable enterprises in the evolving global economy.

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