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France’s political chaos casts long shadow over economic growth

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A pedestrian crosses a flooded street following heavy rainfall in Paris on October 17, 2024.

Joel Saget | Afp | Getty Images

French lawmakers will hold a no-confidence vote in the fragile minority government of Prime Minister Michel Barnier on Wednesday, as economists warn the political stalemate likely to ensue will come at a high economic cost.

Two so-called “motions of censure” filed by both the left-wing and far-right opposition parties will be debated and voted on from 4 p.m. local time. The administration is widely seen as likely to be ousted, just three months after it was formed. If the government collapses, Barnier — who failed to find compromise within the heavily-divided National Assembly to pass a 2025 budget bill aimed at reducing the hefty French deficit — will then be forced to tender his resignation to President Emmanuel Macron.

From there, uncertainty reigns. Macron will eventually need to name a new prime minister, after already struggling to make such an appointment in the wake of the snap summer election which delivered the most votes to the left-wing coalition, but did not give any party a majority. Long-time minister Barnier had been seen as a technocratic compromise.

“Once Barnier resigns, Macron will likely ask him to continue as a caretaker. The alternative option of formally renominating Barnier looks unlikely given the manifest lack of a majority,” Carsten Nickel, deputy director of research at Teneo, said in a Tuesday note.

This caretaker status could drag on for months, since fresh elections cannot be held until next year, while another possibility is Macron’s resignation triggering presidential elections within 35 days, Nickel said.

French Minister for the Economy, Finance and Industry Antoine Armand arrives at the Elysee presidential palace to attend the weekly cabinet meeting, during which France's 2025 budget was presented, on October 10, 2024 in Paris. 

French budget surprises with focus on tax hikes as analysts warn of ratings downgrades

He added that such a series of events would leave the budget bill unpassed, with a last-minute deal appearing improbable.

The caretaker government is therefore likely to present a special constitutional law which would “effectively roll over the 2024 accounts without any of the previously envisaged spending cuts or tax hikes, while empowering the government to keep collecting taxes,” he said.

Amid the turmoil, French borrowing costs are climbing while the euro has been caught up in negative sentiment — exacerbated by bleak manufacturing data from the euro area and concurrent political volatility in Germany.

“France is facing a prospect of a growing fiscal deficit that will become more expensive to finance as their [government bond] yields rise amid this uncertainty,” analysts at Maybank said in a note Wednesday.

Deficit challenge

To international investors, the situation in France looks “very bad,” Javier Díaz-Giménez, professor of Economics at Spain’s IESE Business School, told CNBC by phone.

“Without a budget, they really would default, not because they can’t pay interest on their debt, but because they won’t without a budget. Ratings agencies are already putting in warnings, 10-year French bonds have a higher premium than Greece’s, which is crazy in terms of fundamentals,” he said. Greece had briefly lost its investment grade credit rating status amid the euro area debt crisis, which led to the nation’s sovereign default.

“But that’s because pension funds don’t care, they just want an assured steam of revenue with no concerns about legal shenanigans. So they will dump [French bonds] and go elsewhere,” Díaz-Giménez said.

“Beyond economic growth and stability, this will send debt in a non-sustainable direction in France.”

Economists had already trimmed their growth forecasts for France following the publication of the budget proposal in October, given its sweeping tax hikes and public spending cuts.

Analysts at Dutch bank ING, who previously forecast French growth slowing from 1.1% in 2024 to 0.6% in 2025, said Tuesday that the fall of Barnier’s government “would be bad news for the French economy.”

They also predicted the passing of a provisional budget mirroring the 2024 framework.

“Such a budget will not rectify the trajectory of public spending,” they said, throwing out Barnier’s target of reducing the public deficit from 6% of GDP to 5% in 2025 — which would mean France would not move toward meeting the European Union’s new fiscal rules.

“At a time when economic growth in France is slowing markedly, this is bad news. The public deficit will remain high, debt will continue to grow and the next government – whenever that may be – will have an even tougher task to put public finances right,” the ING analysts said.

Gilles Moëc, group chief economist at AXA, observed in a note Monday that “France can count on large reserves of domestic savings to replace international investors, and the euro area dataflow helps to decouple European from US yields, but in the medium run, directing too much of domestic savings to funding the government can become costly in terms of growth dynamics.”

“Consumer confidence has already declined, and the savings rate could rise further, thwarting the rebound in consumption on which the government is counting to support tax receipts in 2025,” Moëc said.

German comparison

While both countries are mired in their political turbulence, the spread between France’s borrowing costs over those of Germany stretched to a fresh 12-year high this month.

However, Díaz-Giménez of IESE Business School said that in some ways, the French outlook was more positive than that of the euro area’s largest economy.

“In France, economic prospects are pretty bleak, but it’s not going to be a disaster if ancillary risks can be avoided. The high fiscal deficit is hard to fix and requires political harmony but they could still find a way through, it just puts pressure on politicians to do their jobs and solve the real problems, in this case fiscal sustainability,” he told CNBC.

“But in Germany the problem is growth. The German economy needs major adaptation to a new environment without Russian gas and in which making cars in Europe looks like a really bad business plan. From an economic point of view, that is harder to solve than the French problem.”

This photograph shows part of the Eiffel Tower with the Sacre-Coeur Basilica in the background, in Paris, on November 27, 2024. 

Barclays prefers Germany over France as it sends ‘bond vigilante’ warning

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Germany’s election will usher in new leadership — but might not change its economy

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Production at the VW plant in Emden.

Sina Schuldt | Picture Alliance | Getty Images

The struggling German economy has been a major talking point among critics of Chancellor Olaf Scholz’ government during the latest election campaign — but analysts warn a new leadership might not turn these tides.

As voters prepare to head to the polls, it is now all but certain that Germany will soon have a new chancellor. The Christian Democratic Union’s Friedrich Merz is the firm favorite.

Merz has not shied away from blasting Scholz’s economic policies and from linking them to the lackluster state of Europe’s largest economy. He argues that a government under his leadership would give the economy the boost it needs.

Experts speaking to CNBC were less sure.

“There is a high risk that Germany will get a refurbished economic model after the elections, but not a brand new model that makes the competition jealous,” Carsten Brzeski, global head of macro at ING, told CNBC.

The CDU/CSU economic agenda

The CDU, which on a federal level ties up with regional sister party the Christian Social Union, is running on a “typical economic conservative program,” Brzeski said.

It includes income and corporate tax cuts, fewer subsidies and less bureaucracy, changes to social benefits, deregulation, support for innovation, start-ups and artificial intelligence and boosting investment among other policies, according to CDU/CSU campaigners.

“The weak parts of the positions are that the CDU/CSU is not very precise on how it wants to increase investments in infrastructure, digitalization and education. The intention is there, but the details are not,” Brzeski said, noting that the union appears to be aiming to revive Germany’s economic model without fully overhauling it.

“It is still a reform program which pretends that change can happen without pain,” he said.

Geraldine Dany-Knedlik, head of forecasting at research institute DIW Berlin, noted that the CDU is also looking to reach gross domestic product growth of around 2% again through its fiscal and economic program called “Agenda 2030.”

But reaching such levels of economic expansion in Germany “seems unrealistic,” not just temporarily, but also in the long run, she told CNBC.

Germany’s GDP declined in both 2023 and 2024. Recent quarterly growth readings have also been teetering on the verge of a technical recession, which has so far been narrowly avoided. The German economy shrank by 0.2% in the fourth quarter, compared with the previous three-month stretch, according to the latest reading.

Europe’s largest economy faces pressure in key industries like the auto sector, issues with infrastructure like the country’s rail network and a housebuilding crisis.

Dany-Knedlik also flagged the so-called debt brake, a long-standing fiscal rule that is enshrined in Germany’s constitution, which limits the size of the structural budget deficit and how much debt the government can take on.

Whether or not the clause should be overhauled has been a big part of the fiscal debate ahead of the election. While the CDU ideally does not want to change the debt brake, Merz has said that he may be open to some reform.

“To increase growth prospects substantially without increasing debt also seems rather unlikely,” DIW’s Dany-Knedlik said, adding that, if public investments were to rise within the limits of the debt brake, significant tax increases would be unavoidable.

“Taking into account that a 2 Percent growth target is to be reached within a 4 year legislation period, the Agenda 2030 in combination with conservatives attitude towards the debt break to me reads more of a wish list than a straight forward economic growth program,” she said.

Change in German government will deliver economic success, says CEO of German employers association

Franziska Palmas, senior Europe economist at Capital Economics, sees some benefits to the plans of the CDU-CSU union, saying they would likely “be positive” for the economy, but warning that the resulting boost would be small.

“Tax cuts would support consumer spending and private investment, but weak sentiment means consumers may save a significant share of their additional after-tax income and firms may be reluctant to invest,” she told CNBC.  

Palmas nevertheless pointed out that not everyone would come away a winner from the new policies. Income tax cuts would benefit middle- and higher-income households more than those with a lower income, who would also be affected by potential reductions of social benefits.

Coalition talks ahead

Following the Sunday election, the CDU/CSU will almost certainly be left to find a coalition partner to form a majority government, with the Social Democratic Party or the Green party emerging as the likeliest candidates.

The parties will need to broker a coalition agreement outlining their joint goals, including on the economy — which could prove to be a difficult undertaking, Capital Economics’ Palmas said.

“The CDU and the SPD and Greens have significantly different economic policy positions,” she said, pointing to discrepancies over taxes and regulation. While the CDU/CSU want to reduce both items, the SPD and Greens seek to raise taxes and oppose deregulation in at least some areas, Palmas explained.

The group is nevertheless likely to hold the power in any potential negotiations as it will likely have their choice between partnering with the SPD or Greens.

“Accordingly, we suspect that the coalition agreement will include most of the CDU’s main economic proposals,” she said.

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