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IVF is a slam-dunk issue for Democrats. Abortion may not be

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SPARE A THOUGHT for Republican staffers who had to explain the female reproductive system to their bosses this week. Following a decision by Alabama’s Supreme Court, which led to the halting of fertility treatments in several clinics, some showed just how little they understood about baby-making. Tommy Tuberville, an Alabama senator, declared he was “all for” the ruling because “we need to have more kids”. In vitro fertilisation (IVF) in fact helps make more kids. Greg Abbott, Texas’s governor, wondered whether IVF created “one, ten, 100, 1,000” embryos (between zero and a dozen per cycle is common).

Patients in Alabama have become the latest collateral damage in America’s abortion wars. The ruling on February 16th found that embryos created by IVF and kept in “cryogenic nurseries” count as “extrauterine children”, and thus as people under state law. Politically this seems a gift to Democrats. Everything from the judgment’s scripture-heavy language, to jubilant pro-lifers declaring it a “tremendous victory for life”, and the fumbled responses by Republicans, helped paint Republicans as a radical, woman-hating party.

Democrats put the blame squarely on Donald Trump and his Supreme Court picks. “They came for abortion first. Now it’s IVF and next it’ll be birth control,” warned Hillary Clinton, a former secretary of state. Hastily the National Republican Senatorial Committee rushed out a memo instructing all Senate candidates to oppose any restrictions on IVF and “align with the public’s overwhelming support”. Several of them had previously co-sponsored bills—such as the Life At Conception Act—which, by in effect codifying embryos as people, could have had a similar impact on IVF .

Nearly two years after the Supreme Court overturned Roe v Wade, returning the issue of abortion to states, Republicans continue to struggle with the consequences of their victory. Conventional wisdom is that any talk about abortion is a win for Democrats. The immediate aftermath to Alabama’s ruling certainly suggests so. But it might not be quite that simple.

After an uncharacteristic pause, Mr Trump tried to end the fumbling and declared his resounding support for women, IVF and “Beautiful Babies”. “We want to make it easier for mothers and fathers to have babies, not harder!” he wrote on Truth Social, his social-media platform. This tone comes on the heels of his privately floating a federal abortion ban at 16 weeks (though states could go further). If that is Mr Trump’s position it would be a more moderate one than any Republican presidential nominee has held since the 1970s.

Since Roe was overturned, the total number of abortions in America has remained stable. But there has been a big shift in where they have been performed. A new report by the Society of Family Planning, a non-profit, estimated that the 14 states with strict abortion bans had 120,930 fewer abortions over the past 15 months than over a similar period before the end of Roe. American fertility doctors predict that a similar “regulatory migration” wave could follow for IVF patients if state courts start cracking down on fertility treatment. That is what has happened in Europe, where stricter embryo rules in countries like Germany and Italy helped make Spain the largest IVF market in Europe.

IVF may be the clearest example yet of pro-life buyer’s remorse. The vast majority of Americans support a procedure that has helped realise dreams for couples from the Obamas to the Pences. This is not a fight Republicans want. Yet it is one of several real-world questions that pro-lifers will now increasingly need to confront. The questions around fertility treatment are not just whether IVF is ok. They include whether embryos can be biopsied to check for abnormalities, how to deal with embryos left in freezers after death or divorce and what to do with surplus embryos. Republicans may be lining up to pledge their unconditional support to IVF, but none has (yet) confronted the corollary—the related destruction of embryos along the way.

And yet Democrats should not assume that the abortion debate can only win them votes. A 16-week ban is not as radical or unpopular as it may sound: 96% of abortions happen before 16 weeks and that cut-off would put America in line with many European countries (although with fewer medical exceptions after 16 weeks). Whereas a majority of Americans (69%) are in favour of abortion in the first trimester, this drops to a minority in the second trimester (37%) and the third (22%), according to Gallup. Americans are not that different from Europeans—more conservative but mostly in favour of some access to abortion.

The Democratic playbook is: remind voters that Republicans took away abortion and promise to bring back Roe. In swing states with potential ballot initiatives planned for election day, such as Arizona, this could just make the difference. The Democratic National Committee paid for dozens of billboards across swing states this week, tying Mr Trump to the loss of IVF and asking what could be next. However, Democrats need to tread more carefully than they may realise. On abortion at least, Joe Biden’s extreme wing has become bigger than Mr Trump’s. Whereas 24% of Republicans believe abortion should always be illegal, 44% of Democrats think it should be legal during the third trimester. That is out of step with both American and European public opinion. The “abortion positivity movement” on the left is also a uniquely American phenomenon.

Yet all of this posturing has little to do with actual policy. Mr Trump’s 16-week ban is as unlikely to materialise as Mr Biden’s promise to codify Roe, says Mary Ziegler, a legal historian at the University of California, Davis. More immediately, the Supreme Court cases to watch will be on the availability of the abortion drug mifepristone in March, followed in April by the question of whether the Emergency Medical Treatment and Labour Act protects pregnant women with health-endangering emergencies against state abortion bans.

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Economics

UK inflation, November 2024

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The columns of Royal Exchange are dressed for Christmas, at Bank in the City of London, the capital’s financial district, on 20th November 2024, in London, England.

Richard Baker | In Pictures | Getty Images

LONDON — U.K. inflation rose to 2.6% in November, the Office for National Statistics said Wednesday, marking the second straight monthly increase in the headline figure.

The reading was in line with the forecast of economists polled by Reuters, and climbed from 2.3% in October.

Core inflation, excluding energy, food, alcohol and tobacco, came in at 3.5%, just under a Reuters forecast of 3.6%.

Headline price rises hit a three-and-a-half year low of 1.7% in September, but was expected to tick higher in the following months, partly due to an increase in the regulator-set energy price cap this winter.

“This upwards trajectory looks set to continue over the next few months,” Joe Nellis, economic adviser at accountancy MHA, said in emailed comments on Wednesday, citing the energy market and “the long-term pressure of a tight domestic labor market.”

Persistent inflation in the services sector, the dominant part of the U.K. economy, has led money markets to price in almost no chance of an interest rate cut during the Bank of England’s final meeting of the year on Thursday. Those bets were solidified earlier this week when the ONS reported that regular wage growth strengthened to 5.2% over the August-October period, up from 4.9% over July-September.

The November data showed services inflation was unchanged at 5%.

If the BOE leaves monetary policy unchanged in December, it will finish out the year with just two cuts of its key rate, bringing it from 5.25% to 4.75%. The European Central Bank has meanwhile enacted four quarter-percentage-point cuts and this month signaled a firm intention to move lower next year.

The U.S. Federal Reserve is widely expected to trim rates by a quarter point at its own meeting on Wednesday, taking total cuts of the year to a full percentage point. Some skepticism lingers over whether it should take this step, given inflationary pressures.

This is a breaking news story and will be updated shortly.

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The Fed has a big interest rate decision coming Wednesday. Here’s what to expect

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Federal Reserve Chair Jerome Powell speaks during a news conference following the November 6-7, 2024, Federal Open Market Committee meeting at William McChesney Martin Jr. Federal Reserve Board Building, in Washington, DC, November 7, 2024. 

Andrew Caballero-Reynolds | AFP | Getty Images

Inflation is stubbornly above target, the economy is growing at about a 3% pace and the labor market is holding strong. Put it all together and it sounds like a perfect recipe for the Federal Reserve to raise interest rates or at least to stay put.

That’s not what is likely to happen, however, when the Federal Open Market Committee, the central bank’s rate-setting entity, announces its policy decision Wednesday.

Instead, futures market traders are pricing in a near-certainty that the FOMC actually will lower its benchmark overnight borrowing rate by a quarter percentage point, or 25 basis points. That would take it down to a target range of 4.25%-4.5%.

Even with the high level of market anticipation, it could be a decision that comes under an unusual level of scrutiny. A CNBC survey found that while 93% of respondents said they expect a cut, only 63% said it is the right thing to do.

“I’d be inclined to say ‘no cut,'” former Kansas City Fed President Esther George said Tuesday during a CNBC “Squawk Box” interview. “Let’s wait and see how the data comes in. Twenty-five basis points usually doesn’t make or break where we are, but I do think it is a time to signal to markets and to the public that they have not taken their eye off the ball of inflation.”

Former Kansas City Fed Pres. Esther George: I would not cut rates this week

Inflation indeed remains a nettlesome problem for policymakers.

While the annual rate has come down substantially from its 40-year peak in mid-2022, it has been mired around the 2.5%-3% range for much of 2024. The Fed targets inflation at 2%.

The Commerce Department is expected to report Friday that the personal consumption expenditures price index, the Fed’s preferred inflation gauge, ticked higher in November to 2.5%, or 2.9% on the core reading that excludes food and energy.

Justifying a rate cut in that environment will require some deft communication from Chair Jerome Powell and the committee. Former Boston Fed President Eric Rosengren also recently told CNBC that he would not cut at this meeting.

“They’re very clear about what their target is, and as we’re watching inflation data come in, we’re seeing that it’s not continuing to decelerate in the same manner that it had earlier,” George said. “So that, I think, is a reason to be cautious and to really think about how much of this easing of policy is required to keep the economy on track.”

Fed officials who have spoken in favor of cutting say that policy doesn’t need to be as restrictive in the current environment and they don’t want to risk damaging the labor market.

Chance of a ‘hawkish cut’

If the Fed follows through on the cut, it will mark a full percentage point lopped off the federal funds rate since September.

While that’s a considerable amount of easing in a short period of time, Fed officials have tools at their disposal to let the markets know that future cuts won’t come so easily.

One of those tools is the dot-plot matrix of individual members’ expectations for rates over the next few years. That will be updated Wednesday along with the rest of the Summary of Economic Projections that will include informal outlooks for inflation, unemployment and gross domestic product.

Another is the use of guidance in the post-meeting statement to indicate where the committee sees policy headed. Finally, Powell can use his news conference to provide further clues.

It’s the Powell parley with the media that markets will be watching most closely, followed by the dot plot. Powell recently said the Fed “can afford to be a little more cautious” about how quickly it eases amid what he characterized as a “strong” economy.

“We’ll see them leaning into the direction of travel, to begin the process of moving up their inflation forecast,” said Vincent Reinhardt, BNY Mellon chief economist and former director of the Division of Monetary Affairs at the Fed, where he served 24 years. “The dots [will] drift up a little bit, and [there will be] a big preoccupation at the press conference with the idea of skipping meetings. So it’ll turn out to be a hawkish cut in that regard.”

What about Trump?

Powell is almost certain to be asked about how policy might position in regard to fiscal policy under President-elect Donald Trump.

Thus far, the chair and his colleagues have brushed aside questions about the impact Trump’s initiatives could have on monetary policy, citing uncertainty over what is just talk now and what will become reality later. Some economists think the incoming president’s plans for aggressive tariffs, tax cuts and mass deportations could aggravate inflation even more.

“Obviously the Fed’s in a bind,” Reinhart said. “We used to call it the trapeze artist problem. If you’re a trapeze artist, you don’t leave your platform to swing out until you’re sure your partner is swung out. For the central bank, they can’t really change their forecast in response to what they believe will happen in the political economy until they’re pretty sure there’ll be those changes in the political economy.”

“A big preoccupation at the press conference is going to the idea of skipping meetings,” he added. “So it’ll turn out to be, I think, a hawkish easing in that regard. As [Trump’s] policies are actually put in place, then they may move the forecast by more.”

Other actions on tap

Most Wall Street forecasters see Fed officials raising their expectations for inflation and reducing the expectations for rate cuts in 2025.

When the dot plot was last updated in September, officials indicated the equivalent of four quarter-point cuts next year. Markets already have lowered their own expectations for easing, with an expected path of two cuts in 2025 following the move this week, according to the CME Group’s FedWatch measure.

The outlook also is for the Fed to skip the January meeting. Wall Street is expecting little to no change in the post-meeting statement.

Officials also are likely to raise their estimate for the “neutral” rate of interest that neither boosts nor restricts growth. That level had been around 2.5% for years — a 2% inflation rate plus 0.5% at the “natural” level of interest — but has crept up in recent months and could cross 3% at this week’s update.

Finally, the committee may adjust the interest it pays on its overnight repo operations by 0.05 percentage point in response to the fed funds rate drifting to near the bottom of its target range. The “ON RPP” rate acts as a floor for the funds rate and is currently at 4.55% while the effective funds rate is 4.58%. Minutes from the November FOMC meeting indicated officials were considering a “technical adjustment” to the rate.

Expect a 'hawkish cut' from the Fed this week, says BofA's Mark Cabana

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Economics

Iran faces dual crisis amid currency drop and loss of major regional ally

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A briefcase filled with Iranian rial banknotes sits on display at a currency exchange market on Ferdowsi street in Tehran, Iran, on Saturday, Jan. 6, 2018.

Ali Mohammadi | Bloomberg | Getty Images

Iran is confronting its worst set of crises in years, facing a spiraling economy along with a series of unprecedented geopolitical and military blows to its power in the Middle East.

Over the weekend, Iran’s currency, the rial, hit a record low of 756,000 to the dollar, according to Reuters. Since September, the embattled currency has suffered the ripple effects of devastating hits to Iran’s proxies, including Lebanon’s Hezbollah and Palestinian militant group Hamas, as well as the November election of Donald Trump to the U.S. presidency.

With the fall of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad amid a shock offensive by rebel groups, Tehran lost its most important ally in the Middle East. Assad, who is accused of war crimes against his own people, fled to Russia and left a highly fractured country behind him.

“The fall of Assad has existential implications for the Islamic Republic,” Behnam ben Taleblu, a senior fellow at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies in Washington, told CNBC. “Lest we forget, the regime ahs spent well over a decade in treasure, blood, and reputation to save a regime which ultimately folded in less than two weeks.”

The currency’s fall exposes the extent of the hardship faced by ordinary Iranians, who struggle to afford everyday goods and suffer high inflation and unemployment after years of heavy Western sanctions compounded by domestic corruption and economic mismanagement.

Trump has pledged to take a hard line on Iran and will be re-entering the White House roughly six years after unilaterally pulling the U.S. out of the Iranian nuclear deal and re-imposing sweeping sanctions on the country.

Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian has expressed his government’s willingness to negotiate and revive the deal, officially known as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, which lifted some sanctions on Iran in exchange for curbs to its nuclear program. But the attempted outreach comes at a time when the International Atomic Energy Agency says Tehran is enriching uranium at record levels, reaching 60% purity — a short technical step from the weapons-grade purity level of 90%.

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