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Turkey’s inflation climbs to 68.5% despite continued rate hikes

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A money changer holds Turkish lira and U.S. dollar banknotes at a currency exchange office in Ankara, Turkey December 16, 2021.

Cagla Gurdogan | Reuters

Turkey’s annual inflation rose to 68.5% for the month of March, an increase on February’s 67.1% inflation read, according to the Turkish Statistical Institute’s report released Wednesday.

The monthly rise in consumer prices came out at 3.16%, led by education, communication, and hotels, restaurants and cafes, which saw month-on-month rises of 13%, 5.6%, and 3.9%, respectively.

On an annual basis, education again saw the highest cost inflation at 104% year on year, followed by hotels, restaurants and cafes at 95% and health at 80%.

Turkey has launched a concerted effort to tackle soaring inflation with interest rate hikes, most recently raising the country’s key rate from 45% to 50% in late March.

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Much of the inflation in recent months stems from a significant increase to the minimum wage that Turkey’s government mandated for 2024. The minimum wage for the year rose to 17,002 Turkish lira (around $530) per month in January, a 100% hike from the same period a year prior.

Economists expect further rate increases from the central bank will be necessary.

While the March inflation count represents “the smallest monthly increase in three months and suggests that the impact of the large minimum wage hike in January may now have largely passed, it is still far from consistent with the single-digit inflation that policymakers are trying to achieve,” Nicholas Farr, an emerging Europe economist at London-based Capital Economics, wrote in an analyst note Wednesday.

“The latest inflation figures do little to change our view that further monetary tightening lies in store and that a more concerted effort to tighten fiscal policy will be needed too,” he said.

Turkey’s central bank implemented eight consecutive interest rate hikes from June 2023 to January 2024, totaling a cumulative 3,650 basis points. It paused in February, suggesting the tightening cycle was over, before raising rates again in March, citing “deterioration in the inflation outlook” and saying that “tight monetary stance will be maintained until a significant and sustained decline in the underlying trend of monthly inflation is observed.”

Supporters of Istanbul Mayor Ekrem Imamoglu, mayoral candidate of the main opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP), celebrate following the early results in front of the Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality (IBB) in Istanbul, Turkey March 31, 2024. 

Umit Bektas | Reuters

Analysts note that with Turkey’s local elections, which took place on March 31, out of the way, pushing ahead with tighter monetary policy will likely be easier. The vote for municipal leaders across the country, which took place Sunday, saw Turkey’s opposition party deal a historic blow to Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s ruling AK Party, winning the country’s five largest cities and several rural areas as well.

Economic pain and steep living cost increases for ordinary Turks over the last several years played a major role in the results, political observers said.

Exercising tight control over the central bank, Erdogan for the last few years refused to raise rates, calling them “the mother of all evil” and insisting, against economic orthodoxy, that lowering rates was the way to cool inflation. This was despite declining foreign currency reserves and a rapidly weakening Turkish lira, which has lost some 82% of its value against the dollar in the last five years.

Only after appointing a new finance and central bank team in May 2023 did the central bank stage a turnaround in policy, suggesting greater independence at the bank from the executive branch of Turkey’s government. But the political loss for Erdogan’s party in the March local elections could make his future moves more unpredictable, some analysts say.

“The outcome of the vote fuels political uncertainty and raises doubts about whether President Recep Erdogan will stick to unpopular orthodox policies,” Bartosz Sawicki, a market analyst at fintech firm Conotoxia, wrote in a note. But, he added, “With no elections until 2028, another overhaul leading to the return of extra-loose monetary policy seems unlikely.”

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Germany’s election will usher in new leadership — but might not change its economy

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Production at the VW plant in Emden.

Sina Schuldt | Picture Alliance | Getty Images

The struggling German economy has been a major talking point among critics of Chancellor Olaf Scholz’ government during the latest election campaign — but analysts warn a new leadership might not turn these tides.

As voters prepare to head to the polls, it is now all but certain that Germany will soon have a new chancellor. The Christian Democratic Union’s Friedrich Merz is the firm favorite.

Merz has not shied away from blasting Scholz’s economic policies and from linking them to the lackluster state of Europe’s largest economy. He argues that a government under his leadership would give the economy the boost it needs.

Experts speaking to CNBC were less sure.

“There is a high risk that Germany will get a refurbished economic model after the elections, but not a brand new model that makes the competition jealous,” Carsten Brzeski, global head of macro at ING, told CNBC.

The CDU/CSU economic agenda

The CDU, which on a federal level ties up with regional sister party the Christian Social Union, is running on a “typical economic conservative program,” Brzeski said.

It includes income and corporate tax cuts, fewer subsidies and less bureaucracy, changes to social benefits, deregulation, support for innovation, start-ups and artificial intelligence and boosting investment among other policies, according to CDU/CSU campaigners.

“The weak parts of the positions are that the CDU/CSU is not very precise on how it wants to increase investments in infrastructure, digitalization and education. The intention is there, but the details are not,” Brzeski said, noting that the union appears to be aiming to revive Germany’s economic model without fully overhauling it.

“It is still a reform program which pretends that change can happen without pain,” he said.

Geraldine Dany-Knedlik, head of forecasting at research institute DIW Berlin, noted that the CDU is also looking to reach gross domestic product growth of around 2% again through its fiscal and economic program called “Agenda 2030.”

But reaching such levels of economic expansion in Germany “seems unrealistic,” not just temporarily, but also in the long run, she told CNBC.

Germany’s GDP declined in both 2023 and 2024. Recent quarterly growth readings have also been teetering on the verge of a technical recession, which has so far been narrowly avoided. The German economy shrank by 0.2% in the fourth quarter, compared with the previous three-month stretch, according to the latest reading.

Europe’s largest economy faces pressure in key industries like the auto sector, issues with infrastructure like the country’s rail network and a housebuilding crisis.

Dany-Knedlik also flagged the so-called debt brake, a long-standing fiscal rule that is enshrined in Germany’s constitution, which limits the size of the structural budget deficit and how much debt the government can take on.

Whether or not the clause should be overhauled has been a big part of the fiscal debate ahead of the election. While the CDU ideally does not want to change the debt brake, Merz has said that he may be open to some reform.

“To increase growth prospects substantially without increasing debt also seems rather unlikely,” DIW’s Dany-Knedlik said, adding that, if public investments were to rise within the limits of the debt brake, significant tax increases would be unavoidable.

“Taking into account that a 2 Percent growth target is to be reached within a 4 year legislation period, the Agenda 2030 in combination with conservatives attitude towards the debt break to me reads more of a wish list than a straight forward economic growth program,” she said.

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Franziska Palmas, senior Europe economist at Capital Economics, sees some benefits to the plans of the CDU-CSU union, saying they would likely “be positive” for the economy, but warning that the resulting boost would be small.

“Tax cuts would support consumer spending and private investment, but weak sentiment means consumers may save a significant share of their additional after-tax income and firms may be reluctant to invest,” she told CNBC.  

Palmas nevertheless pointed out that not everyone would come away a winner from the new policies. Income tax cuts would benefit middle- and higher-income households more than those with a lower income, who would also be affected by potential reductions of social benefits.

Coalition talks ahead

Following the Sunday election, the CDU/CSU will almost certainly be left to find a coalition partner to form a majority government, with the Social Democratic Party or the Green party emerging as the likeliest candidates.

The parties will need to broker a coalition agreement outlining their joint goals, including on the economy — which could prove to be a difficult undertaking, Capital Economics’ Palmas said.

“The CDU and the SPD and Greens have significantly different economic policy positions,” she said, pointing to discrepancies over taxes and regulation. While the CDU/CSU want to reduce both items, the SPD and Greens seek to raise taxes and oppose deregulation in at least some areas, Palmas explained.

The group is nevertheless likely to hold the power in any potential negotiations as it will likely have their choice between partnering with the SPD or Greens.

“Accordingly, we suspect that the coalition agreement will include most of the CDU’s main economic proposals,” she said.

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