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Ultra-Orthodox Jewish women are staging a sex-strike

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In Aristophanes’s play “Lysistrata”, a young Athenian woman persuades the women of warring Greek states to deny their lovers sex in protest at an ongoing war. Together they vow not to raise their “slippers to the roof” or crouch down before a man “like a lioness on all fours”. Soon bitter conflict erupts between the sexes and an angry chorus of men declares that there is no wild beast harder to tame than the woman.

More than two millennia later women in Kiryas Joel, an ultra-Orthodox Jewish enclave an hour outside New York City, are carrying out a similar strike. According to their leader, Adina Sash, 800 women refused to sleep with their husbands last Friday night, a time when intimacy is considered especially holy. More have since joined the cause. Unlike the Greeks they are not protesting against war but rather a religious system in which men can shackle women to unwanted marriages.

Under Jewish law a divorce is not finalised until a man gives a woman a get, a 12-line letter written in Aramaic that declares her no longer bound to him. Three rabbis must sign off on it. That has led to a global scandal where abusive men leverage gets for money and custody of children or withhold them to force chastity and singlehood on past partners.

In Kiryas Joel, an insular place where a woman must ask permission from her rabbi to report domestic violence to the cops, 29-year-old Malky Berkowitz has begged for a get for four years. Her husband Volvy has refused despite petitions from religious authorities. She is just one of many. “Malky is the face of every woman who has fought and gone through the system like a docile, demure, obedient sheep,” says Ms Sash. Estimates of the number of “chained” women around the world, known as agunot, range from hundreds to thousands.

Their advocates have tried to get secular courts to recognise get-refusal as abuse. In Britain a 2021 amendment to the legal code deemed the practice criminally “coercive”; one year later the first man was jailed for it for 18 months. But in America change is coming more slowly.

Criminal-justice reformers, who police over-policing, have pushed back on victims’-rights groups that want to increase penalties and make egregious cases felonies. Meanwhile recalcitrant men are working the legal system to their advantage: according to the Organisation for the Resolution of Agunot, a non-profit group, there has been a sharp rise in the number filing nuisance lawsuits claiming that women demanding gets are harassing or defaming them.

The intractability of it all made the American wives finally go for the nuclear option. Those who keep illicit smartphones tucked away in underwear drawers—internet is largely forbidden among the ultra-Orthodox—passed along the plan. The idea was simple: withhold sex to get your man to care enough to press other men to act. In a community where women are expected to shave and cover their heads for modesty and to marry near-strangers as teenagers, some are saying no to sex for the first time since they can remember.

Many women however, including Ms Berkowitz, don’t quite know what to make of the protest. Louder voices are against it. Herschel Schacter, a prominent rabbi who runs the rabbinical school at Yeshiva University, declared the strike to be a violation of Jewish law and warned it could wreck marriages. Some young Orthodox men are calling Ms Sash a shiksa, a derogatory Yiddish term for a gentile woman.

In the story of Aristophanes’s “Lysistrata” the carnal deprivation quickly becomes too much for the Greek men to bear. The play concludes with a lustful bunch of blokes brokering a truce between Athens and Sparta, just as the women demanded. Ms Sash hopes for her own sort of peace deal—that Ms Berkowitz be freed before the Sabbath sets in at dusk on Friday.

Asked if she plans to use this tactic in the future, she says she does not intend to incite more “feminist terror”. The point is instead to teach the next generation of religious girls that if conventional methods of protest fail, they can find new ones.

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Economics

Germany’s election will usher in new leadership — but might not change its economy

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Production at the VW plant in Emden.

Sina Schuldt | Picture Alliance | Getty Images

The struggling German economy has been a major talking point among critics of Chancellor Olaf Scholz’ government during the latest election campaign — but analysts warn a new leadership might not turn these tides.

As voters prepare to head to the polls, it is now all but certain that Germany will soon have a new chancellor. The Christian Democratic Union’s Friedrich Merz is the firm favorite.

Merz has not shied away from blasting Scholz’s economic policies and from linking them to the lackluster state of Europe’s largest economy. He argues that a government under his leadership would give the economy the boost it needs.

Experts speaking to CNBC were less sure.

“There is a high risk that Germany will get a refurbished economic model after the elections, but not a brand new model that makes the competition jealous,” Carsten Brzeski, global head of macro at ING, told CNBC.

The CDU/CSU economic agenda

The CDU, which on a federal level ties up with regional sister party the Christian Social Union, is running on a “typical economic conservative program,” Brzeski said.

It includes income and corporate tax cuts, fewer subsidies and less bureaucracy, changes to social benefits, deregulation, support for innovation, start-ups and artificial intelligence and boosting investment among other policies, according to CDU/CSU campaigners.

“The weak parts of the positions are that the CDU/CSU is not very precise on how it wants to increase investments in infrastructure, digitalization and education. The intention is there, but the details are not,” Brzeski said, noting that the union appears to be aiming to revive Germany’s economic model without fully overhauling it.

“It is still a reform program which pretends that change can happen without pain,” he said.

Geraldine Dany-Knedlik, head of forecasting at research institute DIW Berlin, noted that the CDU is also looking to reach gross domestic product growth of around 2% again through its fiscal and economic program called “Agenda 2030.”

But reaching such levels of economic expansion in Germany “seems unrealistic,” not just temporarily, but also in the long run, she told CNBC.

Germany’s GDP declined in both 2023 and 2024. Recent quarterly growth readings have also been teetering on the verge of a technical recession, which has so far been narrowly avoided. The German economy shrank by 0.2% in the fourth quarter, compared with the previous three-month stretch, according to the latest reading.

Europe’s largest economy faces pressure in key industries like the auto sector, issues with infrastructure like the country’s rail network and a housebuilding crisis.

Dany-Knedlik also flagged the so-called debt brake, a long-standing fiscal rule that is enshrined in Germany’s constitution, which limits the size of the structural budget deficit and how much debt the government can take on.

Whether or not the clause should be overhauled has been a big part of the fiscal debate ahead of the election. While the CDU ideally does not want to change the debt brake, Merz has said that he may be open to some reform.

“To increase growth prospects substantially without increasing debt also seems rather unlikely,” DIW’s Dany-Knedlik said, adding that, if public investments were to rise within the limits of the debt brake, significant tax increases would be unavoidable.

“Taking into account that a 2 Percent growth target is to be reached within a 4 year legislation period, the Agenda 2030 in combination with conservatives attitude towards the debt break to me reads more of a wish list than a straight forward economic growth program,” she said.

Change in German government will deliver economic success, says CEO of German employers association

Franziska Palmas, senior Europe economist at Capital Economics, sees some benefits to the plans of the CDU-CSU union, saying they would likely “be positive” for the economy, but warning that the resulting boost would be small.

“Tax cuts would support consumer spending and private investment, but weak sentiment means consumers may save a significant share of their additional after-tax income and firms may be reluctant to invest,” she told CNBC.  

Palmas nevertheless pointed out that not everyone would come away a winner from the new policies. Income tax cuts would benefit middle- and higher-income households more than those with a lower income, who would also be affected by potential reductions of social benefits.

Coalition talks ahead

Following the Sunday election, the CDU/CSU will almost certainly be left to find a coalition partner to form a majority government, with the Social Democratic Party or the Green party emerging as the likeliest candidates.

The parties will need to broker a coalition agreement outlining their joint goals, including on the economy — which could prove to be a difficult undertaking, Capital Economics’ Palmas said.

“The CDU and the SPD and Greens have significantly different economic policy positions,” she said, pointing to discrepancies over taxes and regulation. While the CDU/CSU want to reduce both items, the SPD and Greens seek to raise taxes and oppose deregulation in at least some areas, Palmas explained.

The group is nevertheless likely to hold the power in any potential negotiations as it will likely have their choice between partnering with the SPD or Greens.

“Accordingly, we suspect that the coalition agreement will include most of the CDU’s main economic proposals,” she said.

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