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Will Donald Trump’s bros turn out?

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Home to a university, Madison is a left-leaning city in a swing state. But if you happened to find yourself at the Kollege Klub on a recent Saturday night, where Sean Paul’s “Get Busy” instructed patrons to shake that thing, you would not know it. A man lobbed MAGA hats into a crowd of rapt frat bros. Presiding were the Nelk Boys, a group of supremely popular YouTubers who film inane pranks. They are fans of Donald Trump and have had him on their podcast three times. This was a party to gin up the vote. Yet voting felt like a concept of a plan compared with downing vodka Red Bulls and shimmying to Swedish House Mafia.

To increase his vote, Mr Trump has two options. He can moderate his message to win over traditional Republicans, the sort of voters who supported Nikki Haley in the Republican primary. He is not doing that—witness the denigration of Puerto Ricans at his rally at Madison Square Garden. Rather it is Kamala Harris who has tacked to the centre and campaigned with former Republican congresswoman Liz Cheney, a stalwart conservative.

Instead Mr Trump is courting people who don’t reliably vote, but who will vote for him if they can be persuaded to vote at all: he is wooing the bro. He has called the Nelk Boys “the hottest guys around”. He has skipped debates with Ms Harris but made time for podcast chats with Logan Paul, a wrestler; Theo Von, a mulleted comedian; and, last week, Joe Rogan, the gorilla of the genre with 15m listeners. The centre of gravity in this macho galaxy is the United Fighting Championship, a mixed-martial-arts outfit that counts Mr Trump a fan. Its boss, Dana White, speaks (or shouts) at MAGA rallies.

Mr Trump has also appeared alongside rappers and reggaeton singers with names like Icewear Vezzo, Sleepy Hallow and Anuel AA. None has the star wattage of Beyoncé or Bad Bunny, who is Puerto Rican and endorsed Ms Harris after the Garden rally. But they have devoted followings and create a permission structure for black and Latino fans to make an against-the-grain choice. Mr Trump’s forays here can sometimes feel discordant. At a rally in Las Vegas he introduced Nicky Jam, a reggaeton star, like this: “Do you know Nicky? She’s hot!” Nicky is a “he”, who then told the crowd “Necesitamos a Trump!”

Bros like Mr Trump’s schtick. They rate him better on the economy and find him funny: less villain, more anti-hero, says John Della Volpe of the Harvard Kennedy School. An 18-year-old today would have been nine when he announced his first candidacy; there is little memory of or nostalgia for prelapsarian politics. Brandon Maly, the 24-year-old chair of the Republican Party in Dane county, which encompasses Madison, says his cohort feels alienated by social movements. “Hypocrisies like ‘queers for Palestine’? That doesn’t resonate so much with the guys.”

Chart: The Economist

In 2020 Mr Trump won 41% of men aged between 18 and 29 (compared with 32% of women). This year his vote share could rise by several percentage points. Just over 12m men in that age cohort participated last time, so even a small improvement could deliver Mr Trump hundreds of thousands of votes. He is also doing better with black and Hispanic men. Yet overall, this strategy is risky. Offsetting losses among college-educated suburbanites who reliably vote requires gains among people who do so inconsistently and at lower rates. Only half of eligible young men voted in 2020.

The challenge is convincing people with less trust or interest in politics—those who are least likely to consider voting impactful—that it is worth the energy. In Mr Della Volpe’s surveys, 55% of young men who support Ms Harris say they will “definitely” vote compared with 38% of their pro-Trump counterparts. Young women, meanwhile, skew heavily Democratic and are trending more that way.

Mr Trump managed this feat in 2016 by appealing to another disengaged group: white working-class men. Then, too, his ground game was thin. This year in Wisconsin he has outsourced the job of door-knocking and phone-banking to groups run by Elon Musk and Charlie Kirk, a millennial activist. This effort appears disorganised. Ben Wikler, the Democratic state chair, claims his party is “running circles” around Republicans when it comes to get-out-the-vote operations.

Less informed voters care most about the cost of living and tend to pick candidates whom they think they know and relate to. A recent study in the American Political Science Review found that viewers of “The Apprentice” were more likely to choose Mr Trump in the primary in 2016. Entertaining, seemingly apolitical media present a “unique route into the public consciousness”, the authors concluded. That applies equally to Mr Trump’s podcasting and TikToking (where he has twice as many followers as Ms Harris).

Many Americans revile Mr Trump. Yet plenty share the view of the frat brother in Madison who told your correspondent that America, “in its simplest form, is a business” and that Mr Trump is the boss.

Economics

UK Has a New Prime Minister Without a General Election

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UK Has a New Prime Minister Without a General Election

On July 20, Andy Burnham has been chosen to be the next Prime Minister in UK. The appointment of a new Prime Minister in the United Kingdom often raises questions from people outside the country, especially when no nationwide election has taken place. Many wonder how a new national leader can assume office without voters casting ballots. The answer lies in the UK’s parliamentary system, where the Prime Minister is not directly elected by the public but is instead chosen based on who commands the confidence of the House of Commons.

How the UK Selects Its Prime Minister

Unlike presidential systems where citizens vote directly for the head of government, the United Kingdom elects Members of Parliament (MPs) during a general election. The political party that secures a majority of seats in the House of Commons usually forms the government, and that party selects its own leader to serve as Prime Minister.

If the leader resigns, becomes unable to continue, or is replaced by their party, the governing party can choose a new leader without triggering a general election. As long as the new leader is able to maintain the confidence of Parliament, they can immediately become Prime Minister after being formally appointed by the monarch.

Why No Election Was Required

A general election is not automatically required every time the office of Prime Minister changes hands. The governing party retains its parliamentary majority because voters elected MPs rather than an individual Prime Minister. If the ruling party chooses a new leader through its internal leadership process, the government continues to operate without interruption.

This constitutional arrangement provides stability and allows the government to continue functioning during periods of political transition. It also avoids the expense and disruption of holding a nationwide election every time party leadership changes.

The King’s Constitutional Role

After a governing party elects a new leader, the monarch invites that individual to form a government. This constitutional step is largely ceremonial and follows long-established conventions. The King appoints the person most likely to command a majority in the House of Commons, ensuring continuity of government.

Although the monarch formally appoints the Prime Minister, political power rests with Parliament and the elected representatives of the British people.

Could an Election Still Happen?

Yes. A newly appointed Prime Minister has the authority to request a general election if they believe it is politically advantageous or if they seek a stronger public mandate. Parliament can also reach a point where a government loses the confidence of the House of Commons, potentially leading to an election or the formation of a new government.

In many cases, however, a new Prime Minister continues governing until the next scheduled general election.

What This Means for the UK

The UK’s parliamentary democracy is designed to ensure government continuity while respecting the results of the most recent general election. Leadership changes within the governing party do not automatically alter the composition of Parliament, which is why a new Prime Minister can take office without another nationwide vote.

Understanding this process helps explain why political transitions in the United Kingdom can appear different from those in countries with presidential systems. While the Prime Minister may change, the democratic mandate of Parliament remains in place until voters elect a new House of Commons at the next general election.

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Economics

Global Grid Upgrades Reshape Macro Economics

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Global grid upgrades reshape macro economics

On July 21, 2026, global economic analysis shifts focus toward a defining structural macroeconomic trend: the massive expansion of public and private capital deployment into high-capacity electrical grid infrastructure. As industrial electrification, automated data center hubs, and renewable energy integration accelerate worldwide, sovereign governments and institutional investors are facing a monumental economic challenge. Updating legacy power grids to meet skyrocketing demand has emerged as a primary driver of long-term capital expenditures and industrial productivity across both developed and emerging market economies.

According to international economic policy updates released this week, grid infrastructure investments are projected to exceed multi-trillion-dollar thresholds over the coming decade. Economic planners caution that without modernized, high-voltage transmission networks, regional manufacturing sectors face severe energy bottlenecks, localized power price volatility, and operational constraints. Consequently, infrastructure spending is rapidly transitioning from passive utility maintenance into a vital component of national economic competitiveness and industrial policy.

The macroeconomic ripple effects of this capital deployment are being felt across global commodity markets and labor networks. High demand for structural industrial inputs—such as copper, aluminum, specialized electrical steel, and high-capacity transformers—has created sustained pricing support for critical material producers. Simultaneously, the specialized technical labor required to manufacture and deploy modern grid hardware is driving wage growth in industrial sectors, adding a complex new layer to central bank disinflation trajectories.

For global policymakers and strategic investors, the economics of energy grid modernization represent a double-edged sword. While massive infrastructure investment boosts short-term gross domestic product (GDP) and strengthens domestic industrial foundations, it requires disciplined fiscal allocation to prevent inflationary crowding-out of private capital. Countries that efficiently streamline grid infrastructure permitting and mobilize private investment will secure lower long-term energy costs, attracting high-tech manufacturing and reinforcing sustainable economic growth.

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Economics

Global Trade Realignment and Supply Chains in 2026

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Global Trade Realignment and Supply Chains in 2026

The international trade architecture entering the second half of 2026 is undergoing a profound structural pivot. As major sovereign economic blocs adjust to the long-term impact of unilateral tariffs and escalating regional subsidies, traditional globalized supply chains are being rapidly replaced by bilateral trade corridors and regional alliance networks. Data released in late July 2026 highlights a significant divergence: while cross-continental freight volumes between non-aligned partners have cooled, intra-regional trade throughout North America, Southeast Asia, and Eastern Europe has surged to record levels. This shift reflects a broader macroeconomic strategy wherein multinational corporations prioritize geopolitical resilience over pure cost minimization.

The primary economic catalyst behind this regionalization is the proliferation of sector-specific tariffs targeting critical industries, notably battery components, clean energy technology, and advanced semiconductor hardware. In response, global manufacturers have adopted multi-tier sourcing models that distribute production across intermediate partner nations before final assembly. While this strategy successfully bypasses primary import duties, it adds structural layers of logistical complexity and administrative oversight. Economists note that while total output remains robust, aggregate production costs have drifted upward, contributing to persistent baseline inflation across major consumer markets.

Simultaneously, currency settlement patterns within these regional blocs are experiencing a notable transformation. Sovereign central banks and commercial institutions are increasingly utilizing localized currency swap lines and digital clearing mechanisms to settle cross-border trade transactions. This transition reduces direct exposure to foreign exchange volatility and mitigates third-party liquidity constraints, further solidifying regional economic cohesion. However, for developing economies situated outside these primary trading alliances, the tightening of international trade networks presents severe challenges, restricting access to key export markets and foreign direct investment.

For corporate strategists and policy analysts navigating late 2026, success requires a thorough understanding of these emerging trade corridors. Organizations must conduct regular risk assessments of their multi-tier supplier networks, model tariff sensitivities under shifting geopolitical scenarios, and invest in real-time supply chain telemetry. As regional economic blocs strengthen their regulatory borders, supply chain agility and compliance fortitude will distinguish market leaders from vulnerable enterprises in the evolving global economy.

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