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Black workers are enjoying a jobs boom in America

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It is a grim fact of American life that black people have long lagged well behind white folk in the world of work, with higher unemployment, lower wages and a larger share giving up on job searches altogether. A much more hopeful fact is that many of these inequalities now appear to be shrinking. In the half-century before the covid-19 pandemic, the black unemployment rate was on average twice as high as the white one. At the end of last year jobless rates were, respectively, 5.2% for black Americans and 3.7% for white people—equalling the narrowest gap on record.

Image: The Economist

Even more striking are shifting tides in labour-force participation. About 63% of black Americans are now deemed to be either in work or searching for jobs, more than the 62% level for white Americans—an inversion of the pattern seen in previous decades. In part this reflects demographic differences, because the median white American is about a decade older than the median black American and thus more likely to be retired. But it also testifies to better job prospects for black Americans: their median earnings were about 84% of those of white Americans at the end of 2023, a sharp rise from the 79% average of the preceding two decades.

The underlying cause of all of these changes is America’s run of economic strength. The labour market has been so tight for the past couple of years that it has benefited all workers but especially the most marginalised, helping to create opportunities that were once much harder to come by. Although it is only natural to worry whether these advances will endure when growth eventually slows, it is important to recognise that, for the moment, they are reducing some of America’s most persistent inequalities.

The improvement for black Americans has been broad-based, with gains for blue-collar and white-collar workers alike. Eddie Smith in Charlotte, North Carolina was struggling to get by with occasional jobs mixing concrete until last summer, when he took a four-week course to obtain his commercial driver’s licence. Now he pilots an 18-wheeler and delivers crates of beer around the city for a base salary of about $60,000. “It’s the best job I’ve ever had. The pay is good, and I work at my own pace on my own schedule,” he says. He is not alone. According to official data, the economy has added about 1.6m jobs in “transportation and material moving”—a category which includes driving delivery trucks—since the end of 2019, and about 20% of these have gone to black Americans, above their 14% share of the population.

Image: The Economist

At the opposite end of the labour market is Lloyd Bolodeoku, a senior in computer science at Bowie State University, one of America’s historically black universities. He has already accepted a job offer from Adobe, a software company, and will start in a cyber-security role in May, mere days after he graduates. Mr Bolodeoku recalls the words of a teacher from his high school just outside Baltimore, where the student body was more than 90% black: “His saying was you either want the router or you want the spatula.” That is, if you do not learn about technology, you may end up flipping burgers. Although black Americans are still underrepresented in high-tech work, they have gained about 130,000 jobs in computer-related occupations in the past three years.

One reason that a strong labour market is valuable for black Americans is that many work in highly cyclical sectors such as freight delivery. That makes them vulnerable to recessions but also well placed during periods of growth (a similar dynamic exists for Hispanics). A tight labour market also blunts some of the discrimination that black applicants may face when looking for jobs. “During cyclical downturns employers can afford to pick and choose, but when workers are really needed, they are penalised for their biases,” says Michelle Holder, an economist at John Jay College, City University of New York.

The evolution of America’s economic structure is probably also playing a role. Concentrated in lower-skill jobs, black men were hit especially hard by the decline of factories and unions from the 1970s on. But lower-skilled workers are once again in high demand in a range of occupations that are increasingly central to the economy, from stocking warehouses to assisting nurses. Real-wage growth for the bottom 10% of earners has consistently outstripped all others since 2020—a boon for black Americans.

Another factor is a decline in incarceration. About 590,000 black adults were in prison in 2021, down by more than a quarter from a decade earlier. Black Americans are still nearly five times more likely than white ones to go to jail, but a lower incarceration rate is progress nonetheless, freeing more people for work.

Sam Schaeffer, head of the Centre for Employment Opportunities, which helps Americans find work after leaving prison, has also seen increased openness to “second-chance hiring” by companies. He says that stems in part from executives making commitments to racial justice but also, crucially, from the tight labour market. One of his organisation’s success stories is Mr Smith, the beer-delivery man in Charlotte. He was behind bars for 34 years before getting parole. Many firms were afraid to hire someone with his background, but thankfully not all. “It’s just hard for them to find drivers these days,” he says.

A strong labour market is, by itself, far from a cure-all for racial inequality. Although the black-white wage gap has narrowed in the past two years, the wealth gap has widened over the same period, because white Americans own more stocks than black Americans and so have benefited more from the market rally.

What’s more, unfairness goes well beyond hiring decisions. For decades the received wisdom was that black Americans would pull closer to white Americans if they had similar academic qualifications. But Valerie Wilson of the Economic Policy Institute, a think-tank based in Washington, DC, has shown that wages for black and white college graduates have instead drifted further apart in recent decades. “In addition to pay discrimination, a lot has to do with disparities in the jobs that people go into and in opportunities for promotion,” says Ms Wilson.

One question is whether historically black colleges, which produce about 40% of America’s black engineers, can help reverse this dismal trend for graduates. The computer-science department at Bowie State, where Mr Bolodeoku is finishing his degree, has built up an internship-placement programme that links students with companies and government agencies, starting in their first year and continuing throughout their studies. “They get to be mentored and get the confidence they need,” says Rose Shumba, chair of Bowie’s computer-science department. Not coincidentally, its enrolment has more than doubled from 190 in 2019 to about 500 today.

For black women more generally, investment in early education would be even more significant. A big stumbling block for their careers is the need to raise young children. Nearly 50% of black children live only with their mothers, compared with less than 20% of white children. That is one of the motivations for the Biden administration’s proposal to subsidise child care and make pre-kindergarten free, a policy which would need a Democratic sweep in the election later this year to get through Congress. “You would get a return on investment both in terms of lifting kids out of poverty and freeing up their parents to be able to pursue more opportunities,” says Lael Brainard, director of the National Economic Council in the White House.

For now, the test of whether black Americans are truly faring better in the workplace will arise whenever the economy next hits a soft patch. Historically, many have fallen prey to a “last hired, first fired” mode of employment. But William Rodgers of the Federal Reserve’s branch in St Louis is cautiously optimistic that a future downturn may play out differently. He has homed in on some of the workers most likely to be fired—young black Americans with no college degrees—and found that their unemployment rate has barely risen since 2022 even as the number of job openings has fallen. This, he thinks, may be a sign that gains of the past few years are sustainable. “People have come in, gotten a toehold and built up experience,” he says. With any luck, more black Americans will go from last hired to lastingly hired.

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Economics

UK Has a New Prime Minister Without a General Election

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UK Has a New Prime Minister Without a General Election

On July 20, Andy Burnham has been chosen to be the next Prime Minister in UK. The appointment of a new Prime Minister in the United Kingdom often raises questions from people outside the country, especially when no nationwide election has taken place. Many wonder how a new national leader can assume office without voters casting ballots. The answer lies in the UK’s parliamentary system, where the Prime Minister is not directly elected by the public but is instead chosen based on who commands the confidence of the House of Commons.

How the UK Selects Its Prime Minister

Unlike presidential systems where citizens vote directly for the head of government, the United Kingdom elects Members of Parliament (MPs) during a general election. The political party that secures a majority of seats in the House of Commons usually forms the government, and that party selects its own leader to serve as Prime Minister.

If the leader resigns, becomes unable to continue, or is replaced by their party, the governing party can choose a new leader without triggering a general election. As long as the new leader is able to maintain the confidence of Parliament, they can immediately become Prime Minister after being formally appointed by the monarch.

Why No Election Was Required

A general election is not automatically required every time the office of Prime Minister changes hands. The governing party retains its parliamentary majority because voters elected MPs rather than an individual Prime Minister. If the ruling party chooses a new leader through its internal leadership process, the government continues to operate without interruption.

This constitutional arrangement provides stability and allows the government to continue functioning during periods of political transition. It also avoids the expense and disruption of holding a nationwide election every time party leadership changes.

The King’s Constitutional Role

After a governing party elects a new leader, the monarch invites that individual to form a government. This constitutional step is largely ceremonial and follows long-established conventions. The King appoints the person most likely to command a majority in the House of Commons, ensuring continuity of government.

Although the monarch formally appoints the Prime Minister, political power rests with Parliament and the elected representatives of the British people.

Could an Election Still Happen?

Yes. A newly appointed Prime Minister has the authority to request a general election if they believe it is politically advantageous or if they seek a stronger public mandate. Parliament can also reach a point where a government loses the confidence of the House of Commons, potentially leading to an election or the formation of a new government.

In many cases, however, a new Prime Minister continues governing until the next scheduled general election.

What This Means for the UK

The UK’s parliamentary democracy is designed to ensure government continuity while respecting the results of the most recent general election. Leadership changes within the governing party do not automatically alter the composition of Parliament, which is why a new Prime Minister can take office without another nationwide vote.

Understanding this process helps explain why political transitions in the United Kingdom can appear different from those in countries with presidential systems. While the Prime Minister may change, the democratic mandate of Parliament remains in place until voters elect a new House of Commons at the next general election.

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Economics

Global Grid Upgrades Reshape Macro Economics

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Global grid upgrades reshape macro economics

On July 21, 2026, global economic analysis shifts focus toward a defining structural macroeconomic trend: the massive expansion of public and private capital deployment into high-capacity electrical grid infrastructure. As industrial electrification, automated data center hubs, and renewable energy integration accelerate worldwide, sovereign governments and institutional investors are facing a monumental economic challenge. Updating legacy power grids to meet skyrocketing demand has emerged as a primary driver of long-term capital expenditures and industrial productivity across both developed and emerging market economies.

According to international economic policy updates released this week, grid infrastructure investments are projected to exceed multi-trillion-dollar thresholds over the coming decade. Economic planners caution that without modernized, high-voltage transmission networks, regional manufacturing sectors face severe energy bottlenecks, localized power price volatility, and operational constraints. Consequently, infrastructure spending is rapidly transitioning from passive utility maintenance into a vital component of national economic competitiveness and industrial policy.

The macroeconomic ripple effects of this capital deployment are being felt across global commodity markets and labor networks. High demand for structural industrial inputs—such as copper, aluminum, specialized electrical steel, and high-capacity transformers—has created sustained pricing support for critical material producers. Simultaneously, the specialized technical labor required to manufacture and deploy modern grid hardware is driving wage growth in industrial sectors, adding a complex new layer to central bank disinflation trajectories.

For global policymakers and strategic investors, the economics of energy grid modernization represent a double-edged sword. While massive infrastructure investment boosts short-term gross domestic product (GDP) and strengthens domestic industrial foundations, it requires disciplined fiscal allocation to prevent inflationary crowding-out of private capital. Countries that efficiently streamline grid infrastructure permitting and mobilize private investment will secure lower long-term energy costs, attracting high-tech manufacturing and reinforcing sustainable economic growth.

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Economics

Global Trade Realignment and Supply Chains in 2026

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Global Trade Realignment and Supply Chains in 2026

The international trade architecture entering the second half of 2026 is undergoing a profound structural pivot. As major sovereign economic blocs adjust to the long-term impact of unilateral tariffs and escalating regional subsidies, traditional globalized supply chains are being rapidly replaced by bilateral trade corridors and regional alliance networks. Data released in late July 2026 highlights a significant divergence: while cross-continental freight volumes between non-aligned partners have cooled, intra-regional trade throughout North America, Southeast Asia, and Eastern Europe has surged to record levels. This shift reflects a broader macroeconomic strategy wherein multinational corporations prioritize geopolitical resilience over pure cost minimization.

The primary economic catalyst behind this regionalization is the proliferation of sector-specific tariffs targeting critical industries, notably battery components, clean energy technology, and advanced semiconductor hardware. In response, global manufacturers have adopted multi-tier sourcing models that distribute production across intermediate partner nations before final assembly. While this strategy successfully bypasses primary import duties, it adds structural layers of logistical complexity and administrative oversight. Economists note that while total output remains robust, aggregate production costs have drifted upward, contributing to persistent baseline inflation across major consumer markets.

Simultaneously, currency settlement patterns within these regional blocs are experiencing a notable transformation. Sovereign central banks and commercial institutions are increasingly utilizing localized currency swap lines and digital clearing mechanisms to settle cross-border trade transactions. This transition reduces direct exposure to foreign exchange volatility and mitigates third-party liquidity constraints, further solidifying regional economic cohesion. However, for developing economies situated outside these primary trading alliances, the tightening of international trade networks presents severe challenges, restricting access to key export markets and foreign direct investment.

For corporate strategists and policy analysts navigating late 2026, success requires a thorough understanding of these emerging trade corridors. Organizations must conduct regular risk assessments of their multi-tier supplier networks, model tariff sensitivities under shifting geopolitical scenarios, and invest in real-time supply chain telemetry. As regional economic blocs strengthen their regulatory borders, supply chain agility and compliance fortitude will distinguish market leaders from vulnerable enterprises in the evolving global economy.

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