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Can Joe Biden bring order to the southern border without Congress?

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EVEN BACK when it looked as if the bipartisan border-security bill would get a fair hearing in the Senate, the Biden administration insisted that it was working on a Plan B. Then the bill fell apart, owing to Donald Trump’s desire to deprive Joe Biden of any accomplishments to campaign on, and Plan B became Plan A.

A month on Mr Biden has yet to roll out an executive order for the border—for two reasons. Politically, the border bill’s death revealed just how little congressional Republicans care about governing these days. Their intransigence gives Mr Biden an opening to try to convince voters that the Republican Party are the agents of border chaos. Practically, there is very little the administration can do to restore order at the southern border without money from Congress. Presidents are not powerless when it comes to immigration: Mr Biden’s liberal use of parole proves that. But in reforming the asylum system, the president is constrained by four things: the courts, a lack of cash, international law and Mexico.

Congress has not passed substantive immigration reform since 1990, leaving presidential administrations to govern by executive fiat. The legality of these orders is increasingly challenged in the court system. The Biden administration has reportedly floated two ideas. One is an executive order that would further restrict the ability of migrants to seek asylum if they crossed the border between ports of entry. Yet Mr Biden implemented a version of that last year, and its effectiveness has been limited because of litigation and a gummed-up immigration-court system. The snag is not that crossing between ports is legal (it isn’t), argues Aaron Reichlin-Melnick of the American Immigration Council, an advocacy group. The problem is the inability of immigration courts to process people quickly. It takes more than four years on average just to get an asylum hearing. Staffing shortages—from Border Patrol agents to asylum officers and immigration-court judges—are why Mr Biden insists that congressional action, and the money that comes with it, is the only answer.

The second idea would take a page out of Mr Trump’s immigration playbook. In 2017 Mr Trump restricted travel to America from several Muslim-majority countries under an obscure statute that grants presidents broad authority to suspend the entry of people who “would be detrimental to the interests of the United States”. The Supreme Court upheld Mr Trump’s order in Trump v Hawaii, a case Mike Johnson, the speaker of the House, cites as proof that Mr Biden does not need Congress to act. But that law and that case are less relevant when the people being banned are already in the country, not waiting to fly over.

This is where international law comes in. America signed the 1967 Protocol which expanded the United Nations’ 1951 Refugee Convention. The treaty stipulates that asylum-seekers, no matter how they entered a country, may lodge an asylum claim. That provision is also enshrined in American law, and is the basis for the legal challenge to Mr Biden’s rule limiting asylum for those who cross the border between ports. America must also abide by the principle of non-refoulement, which bars countries from returning asylum-seekers to places where their life or liberty would be at risk.

Mr Johnson’s other favourite suggestion—in lieu of his caucus doing anything—is that Mr Biden should reinstate Mr Trump’s “Remain in Mexico” policy, under which some migrants were returned to the southern side of the border to await a hearing. Mr Johnson waves off Mexico’s resistance to restarting the policy. “We’re the United States,” he told reporters. “Mexico will do what we say.”

Things are not that simple. Mr Trump bullied Andrés Manuel López Obrador, Mexico’s president, into cracking down on migration by threatening hefty tariffs on imports. Mr Biden may be loth to apply such leverage when Mexico is now America’s largest trading partner and is helping to curb fentanyl trafficking. What’s more, only about 80,000 migrants were enrolled in the Remain in Mexico programme between 2019 and 2022, a tiny fraction of those who crossed the border.

In small ways, the Biden administration is making progress. The number of monthly “credible fear” decisions—the standard some migrants must pass to apply for asylum—has more than quintupled since 2022, speeding the process for many. Mexico’s crackdown on migrant trains and the removal of migrants to southern Mexico has diminished flows to Texas (but pushed them towards Arizona).

Despite the obstacles, the president may issue some kind of executive order anyway. “They will be immediately sued and probably blocked by the courts,” argues Julia Gelatt of the Migration Policy Institute, a think-tank. “Maybe that is helpful politically to say, ‘Well, we tried. We really do need you, Congress’.”

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Economics

UK Has a New Prime Minister Without a General Election

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UK Has a New Prime Minister Without a General Election

On July 20, Andy Burnham has been chosen to be the next Prime Minister in UK. The appointment of a new Prime Minister in the United Kingdom often raises questions from people outside the country, especially when no nationwide election has taken place. Many wonder how a new national leader can assume office without voters casting ballots. The answer lies in the UK’s parliamentary system, where the Prime Minister is not directly elected by the public but is instead chosen based on who commands the confidence of the House of Commons.

How the UK Selects Its Prime Minister

Unlike presidential systems where citizens vote directly for the head of government, the United Kingdom elects Members of Parliament (MPs) during a general election. The political party that secures a majority of seats in the House of Commons usually forms the government, and that party selects its own leader to serve as Prime Minister.

If the leader resigns, becomes unable to continue, or is replaced by their party, the governing party can choose a new leader without triggering a general election. As long as the new leader is able to maintain the confidence of Parliament, they can immediately become Prime Minister after being formally appointed by the monarch.

Why No Election Was Required

A general election is not automatically required every time the office of Prime Minister changes hands. The governing party retains its parliamentary majority because voters elected MPs rather than an individual Prime Minister. If the ruling party chooses a new leader through its internal leadership process, the government continues to operate without interruption.

This constitutional arrangement provides stability and allows the government to continue functioning during periods of political transition. It also avoids the expense and disruption of holding a nationwide election every time party leadership changes.

The King’s Constitutional Role

After a governing party elects a new leader, the monarch invites that individual to form a government. This constitutional step is largely ceremonial and follows long-established conventions. The King appoints the person most likely to command a majority in the House of Commons, ensuring continuity of government.

Although the monarch formally appoints the Prime Minister, political power rests with Parliament and the elected representatives of the British people.

Could an Election Still Happen?

Yes. A newly appointed Prime Minister has the authority to request a general election if they believe it is politically advantageous or if they seek a stronger public mandate. Parliament can also reach a point where a government loses the confidence of the House of Commons, potentially leading to an election or the formation of a new government.

In many cases, however, a new Prime Minister continues governing until the next scheduled general election.

What This Means for the UK

The UK’s parliamentary democracy is designed to ensure government continuity while respecting the results of the most recent general election. Leadership changes within the governing party do not automatically alter the composition of Parliament, which is why a new Prime Minister can take office without another nationwide vote.

Understanding this process helps explain why political transitions in the United Kingdom can appear different from those in countries with presidential systems. While the Prime Minister may change, the democratic mandate of Parliament remains in place until voters elect a new House of Commons at the next general election.

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Economics

Global Grid Upgrades Reshape Macro Economics

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Global grid upgrades reshape macro economics

On July 21, 2026, global economic analysis shifts focus toward a defining structural macroeconomic trend: the massive expansion of public and private capital deployment into high-capacity electrical grid infrastructure. As industrial electrification, automated data center hubs, and renewable energy integration accelerate worldwide, sovereign governments and institutional investors are facing a monumental economic challenge. Updating legacy power grids to meet skyrocketing demand has emerged as a primary driver of long-term capital expenditures and industrial productivity across both developed and emerging market economies.

According to international economic policy updates released this week, grid infrastructure investments are projected to exceed multi-trillion-dollar thresholds over the coming decade. Economic planners caution that without modernized, high-voltage transmission networks, regional manufacturing sectors face severe energy bottlenecks, localized power price volatility, and operational constraints. Consequently, infrastructure spending is rapidly transitioning from passive utility maintenance into a vital component of national economic competitiveness and industrial policy.

The macroeconomic ripple effects of this capital deployment are being felt across global commodity markets and labor networks. High demand for structural industrial inputs—such as copper, aluminum, specialized electrical steel, and high-capacity transformers—has created sustained pricing support for critical material producers. Simultaneously, the specialized technical labor required to manufacture and deploy modern grid hardware is driving wage growth in industrial sectors, adding a complex new layer to central bank disinflation trajectories.

For global policymakers and strategic investors, the economics of energy grid modernization represent a double-edged sword. While massive infrastructure investment boosts short-term gross domestic product (GDP) and strengthens domestic industrial foundations, it requires disciplined fiscal allocation to prevent inflationary crowding-out of private capital. Countries that efficiently streamline grid infrastructure permitting and mobilize private investment will secure lower long-term energy costs, attracting high-tech manufacturing and reinforcing sustainable economic growth.

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Economics

Global Trade Realignment and Supply Chains in 2026

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Global Trade Realignment and Supply Chains in 2026

The international trade architecture entering the second half of 2026 is undergoing a profound structural pivot. As major sovereign economic blocs adjust to the long-term impact of unilateral tariffs and escalating regional subsidies, traditional globalized supply chains are being rapidly replaced by bilateral trade corridors and regional alliance networks. Data released in late July 2026 highlights a significant divergence: while cross-continental freight volumes between non-aligned partners have cooled, intra-regional trade throughout North America, Southeast Asia, and Eastern Europe has surged to record levels. This shift reflects a broader macroeconomic strategy wherein multinational corporations prioritize geopolitical resilience over pure cost minimization.

The primary economic catalyst behind this regionalization is the proliferation of sector-specific tariffs targeting critical industries, notably battery components, clean energy technology, and advanced semiconductor hardware. In response, global manufacturers have adopted multi-tier sourcing models that distribute production across intermediate partner nations before final assembly. While this strategy successfully bypasses primary import duties, it adds structural layers of logistical complexity and administrative oversight. Economists note that while total output remains robust, aggregate production costs have drifted upward, contributing to persistent baseline inflation across major consumer markets.

Simultaneously, currency settlement patterns within these regional blocs are experiencing a notable transformation. Sovereign central banks and commercial institutions are increasingly utilizing localized currency swap lines and digital clearing mechanisms to settle cross-border trade transactions. This transition reduces direct exposure to foreign exchange volatility and mitigates third-party liquidity constraints, further solidifying regional economic cohesion. However, for developing economies situated outside these primary trading alliances, the tightening of international trade networks presents severe challenges, restricting access to key export markets and foreign direct investment.

For corporate strategists and policy analysts navigating late 2026, success requires a thorough understanding of these emerging trade corridors. Organizations must conduct regular risk assessments of their multi-tier supplier networks, model tariff sensitivities under shifting geopolitical scenarios, and invest in real-time supply chain telemetry. As regional economic blocs strengthen their regulatory borders, supply chain agility and compliance fortitude will distinguish market leaders from vulnerable enterprises in the evolving global economy.

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