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How does Ron DeSantis dropping out change the Republican primary?

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Editor’s note (January 21st 2024): This story was updated after Ron DeSantis said he was suspending his campaign for the Republican nomination.

RON DESANTIS’S campaign ended, as it began, on X. His live launch event was meant to show how au fait with the future the Florida governor was. Instead the glitchy launch turned into the equivalent of dad dancing. Mr DeSantis took no such chances with his withdrawal from the Republican primary, which he announced in a video posted on the same platform. As a final act of self-degradation he endorsed Donald Trump, who has been bullying him for months about his height and his table manners.

That leaves just two candidates standing: Mr Trump and Nikki Haley. Ms Haley’s hopes hinge on the tiny state of New Hampshire, which votes on January 23rd. Though only three of the past eight winners of a competitive Republican Iowa caucus have gone on to win their party’s nomination, New Hampshire has voted for six eventual nominees. Ms Haley hopes to become the seventh. Mr DeSantis’s departure is unlikely to make a hard task any easier.

Her campaign is right to bet on New Hampshire. Ms Haley’s base—independent, moderate and college-educated voters—makes up an unusually large share of the state’s primary electorate. But the promise New Hampshire offers is also why Ms Haley finds herself in a bind. Although a triumph in the Granite State could give her a lift, the electorate across the remaining key states in the Republican primary is more religious, less educated and as a result far Trumpier. The coalition she has crafted to be competitive in New Hampshire will be hard, perhaps impossible, to recreate elsewhere.

Image: The Economist

A Republican non-incumbent candidate has never won both Iowa and New Hampshire in the party’s primary. But judging by the latest polling Donald Trump, ever the disruptor, looks set to make history. He leads Ms Haley in the state by 15 points; Mr DeSantis had sunk to single figures (see chart 1). In a Republican primary marked by candidates fighting for second place (the former president leads nationally by 55 points), the Haley campaign reckons her smaller deficit in New Hampshire is surmountable. A month before the Iowa caucuses Mr Trump’s lead in the state was nearly double what it is today. Her campaign and allied super PACs have bombarded New Hampshire’s airwaves with ads, spending twice as much as Mr Trump and a bit more than three and a half times as much as Mr DeSantis, who finished just above Ms Haley in Iowa on January 15th (chart 2).

Image: The Economist

Now he is no longer in the race, where will his voters go? The Economist’s YouGov poll, taken earlier in January, asked Republican primary voters about their second preferences. The race may have moved since, and the poll was taken before Vivek Ramaswamy dropped out, but the numbers are still instructive. Among first choice DeSantis voters in that survey, 44% said Mr Trump would be their second choice. Only 24% said they would vote for Ms Haley. The sample is small, so aim off for that. But the reason the sample is small is that there are so few DeSantis voters in the poll.

If Ms Haley wins in New Hampshire it will be in no small part thanks to the state’s open primary rules and, to a lesser extent, a kink in the Democratic primary. Unaffiliated voters, not just Democrats and Republicans, can take part in one of New Hampshire’s primaries. This year some independents will have little choice but to vote in the Republican one because New Hampshire (living up to its state motto “live free or die”) has rendered the Democratic Party’s primary obsolete. In an effort to make the set of states that vote earlier in the primary process more reflective of the Democratic Party’s voters, the Democratic National Committee (DNC) moved the state’s primary to follow or coincide with those of South Carolina and Nevada, which have more non-white voters. But New Hampshire state law requires its primaries to be the first in the country. As a result, the contest on Tuesday is not formally recognised by the DNC, and Joe Biden is not on the ballot.

This is fortunate for Ms Haley. Independents in New Hampshire back her by a 15-point margin. According to poll estimates, they are expected to account for nearly half the state’s primary electorate, compared with 30% in 2016. However, other states with open Republican primaries will have a corresponding Democratic primary to siphon off independents. Such is the case in South Carolina, Ms Haley’s home state. According to a poll taken in early January, although independents there support her by a four-point margin, they make up only an estimated one-quarter of the state’s Republican-primary electorate. And because Mr Trump’s grip on the remaining three-quarters of South Carolina’s electorate is so strong (they back him by three to one), the overall gap between Ms Haley and the former president was a canyonesque 29 points before Mr DeSantis dropped out. For her four-point advantage among independents to outweigh her 41-point deficit among Republicans, independents would need to make up 91% of the South Carolina electorate. They do not.

Just possibly she could win New Hampshire’s Republican primary on the backs of independents, but she cannot win the nomination with this formula. So winning alone is not enough; rather, Ms Haley needs to show marked improvement among the party faithful if her candidacy is to remain viable. She failed to surge among Republicans in Iowa and polling suggests it will be a tall order in New Hampshire, too. According to a Suffolk University poll, nearly half of Ms Haley’s would-be voters there say they are casting their ballot against Donald Trump, rather than in support of her. In contrast, 93% of Mr Trump’s supporters say they are voting for him, not against Ms Haley. MAGA voters’ support seems to be set in granite.

Economics

UK inflation, November 2024

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The columns of Royal Exchange are dressed for Christmas, at Bank in the City of London, the capital’s financial district, on 20th November 2024, in London, England.

Richard Baker | In Pictures | Getty Images

LONDON — U.K. inflation rose to 2.6% in November, the Office for National Statistics said Wednesday, marking the second straight monthly increase in the headline figure.

The reading was in line with the forecast of economists polled by Reuters, and climbed from 2.3% in October.

Core inflation, excluding energy, food, alcohol and tobacco, came in at 3.5%, just under a Reuters forecast of 3.6%.

Headline price rises hit a three-and-a-half year low of 1.7% in September, but was expected to tick higher in the following months, partly due to an increase in the regulator-set energy price cap this winter.

“This upwards trajectory looks set to continue over the next few months,” Joe Nellis, economic adviser at accountancy MHA, said in emailed comments on Wednesday, citing the energy market and “the long-term pressure of a tight domestic labor market.”

Persistent inflation in the services sector, the dominant part of the U.K. economy, has led money markets to price in almost no chance of an interest rate cut during the Bank of England’s final meeting of the year on Thursday. Those bets were solidified earlier this week when the ONS reported that regular wage growth strengthened to 5.2% over the August-October period, up from 4.9% over July-September.

The November data showed services inflation was unchanged at 5%.

If the BOE leaves monetary policy unchanged in December, it will finish out the year with just two cuts of its key rate, bringing it from 5.25% to 4.75%. The European Central Bank has meanwhile enacted four quarter-percentage-point cuts and this month signaled a firm intention to move lower next year.

The U.S. Federal Reserve is widely expected to trim rates by a quarter point at its own meeting on Wednesday, taking total cuts of the year to a full percentage point. Some skepticism lingers over whether it should take this step, given inflationary pressures.

This is a breaking news story and will be updated shortly.

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The Fed has a big interest rate decision coming Wednesday. Here’s what to expect

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Federal Reserve Chair Jerome Powell speaks during a news conference following the November 6-7, 2024, Federal Open Market Committee meeting at William McChesney Martin Jr. Federal Reserve Board Building, in Washington, DC, November 7, 2024. 

Andrew Caballero-Reynolds | AFP | Getty Images

Inflation is stubbornly above target, the economy is growing at about a 3% pace and the labor market is holding strong. Put it all together and it sounds like a perfect recipe for the Federal Reserve to raise interest rates or at least to stay put.

That’s not what is likely to happen, however, when the Federal Open Market Committee, the central bank’s rate-setting entity, announces its policy decision Wednesday.

Instead, futures market traders are pricing in a near-certainty that the FOMC actually will lower its benchmark overnight borrowing rate by a quarter percentage point, or 25 basis points. That would take it down to a target range of 4.25%-4.5%.

Even with the high level of market anticipation, it could be a decision that comes under an unusual level of scrutiny. A CNBC survey found that while 93% of respondents said they expect a cut, only 63% said it is the right thing to do.

“I’d be inclined to say ‘no cut,'” former Kansas City Fed President Esther George said Tuesday during a CNBC “Squawk Box” interview. “Let’s wait and see how the data comes in. Twenty-five basis points usually doesn’t make or break where we are, but I do think it is a time to signal to markets and to the public that they have not taken their eye off the ball of inflation.”

Former Kansas City Fed Pres. Esther George: I would not cut rates this week

Inflation indeed remains a nettlesome problem for policymakers.

While the annual rate has come down substantially from its 40-year peak in mid-2022, it has been mired around the 2.5%-3% range for much of 2024. The Fed targets inflation at 2%.

The Commerce Department is expected to report Friday that the personal consumption expenditures price index, the Fed’s preferred inflation gauge, ticked higher in November to 2.5%, or 2.9% on the core reading that excludes food and energy.

Justifying a rate cut in that environment will require some deft communication from Chair Jerome Powell and the committee. Former Boston Fed President Eric Rosengren also recently told CNBC that he would not cut at this meeting.

“They’re very clear about what their target is, and as we’re watching inflation data come in, we’re seeing that it’s not continuing to decelerate in the same manner that it had earlier,” George said. “So that, I think, is a reason to be cautious and to really think about how much of this easing of policy is required to keep the economy on track.”

Fed officials who have spoken in favor of cutting say that policy doesn’t need to be as restrictive in the current environment and they don’t want to risk damaging the labor market.

Chance of a ‘hawkish cut’

If the Fed follows through on the cut, it will mark a full percentage point lopped off the federal funds rate since September.

While that’s a considerable amount of easing in a short period of time, Fed officials have tools at their disposal to let the markets know that future cuts won’t come so easily.

One of those tools is the dot-plot matrix of individual members’ expectations for rates over the next few years. That will be updated Wednesday along with the rest of the Summary of Economic Projections that will include informal outlooks for inflation, unemployment and gross domestic product.

Another is the use of guidance in the post-meeting statement to indicate where the committee sees policy headed. Finally, Powell can use his news conference to provide further clues.

It’s the Powell parley with the media that markets will be watching most closely, followed by the dot plot. Powell recently said the Fed “can afford to be a little more cautious” about how quickly it eases amid what he characterized as a “strong” economy.

“We’ll see them leaning into the direction of travel, to begin the process of moving up their inflation forecast,” said Vincent Reinhardt, BNY Mellon chief economist and former director of the Division of Monetary Affairs at the Fed, where he served 24 years. “The dots [will] drift up a little bit, and [there will be] a big preoccupation at the press conference with the idea of skipping meetings. So it’ll turn out to be a hawkish cut in that regard.”

What about Trump?

Powell is almost certain to be asked about how policy might position in regard to fiscal policy under President-elect Donald Trump.

Thus far, the chair and his colleagues have brushed aside questions about the impact Trump’s initiatives could have on monetary policy, citing uncertainty over what is just talk now and what will become reality later. Some economists think the incoming president’s plans for aggressive tariffs, tax cuts and mass deportations could aggravate inflation even more.

“Obviously the Fed’s in a bind,” Reinhart said. “We used to call it the trapeze artist problem. If you’re a trapeze artist, you don’t leave your platform to swing out until you’re sure your partner is swung out. For the central bank, they can’t really change their forecast in response to what they believe will happen in the political economy until they’re pretty sure there’ll be those changes in the political economy.”

“A big preoccupation at the press conference is going to the idea of skipping meetings,” he added. “So it’ll turn out to be, I think, a hawkish easing in that regard. As [Trump’s] policies are actually put in place, then they may move the forecast by more.”

Other actions on tap

Most Wall Street forecasters see Fed officials raising their expectations for inflation and reducing the expectations for rate cuts in 2025.

When the dot plot was last updated in September, officials indicated the equivalent of four quarter-point cuts next year. Markets already have lowered their own expectations for easing, with an expected path of two cuts in 2025 following the move this week, according to the CME Group’s FedWatch measure.

The outlook also is for the Fed to skip the January meeting. Wall Street is expecting little to no change in the post-meeting statement.

Officials also are likely to raise their estimate for the “neutral” rate of interest that neither boosts nor restricts growth. That level had been around 2.5% for years — a 2% inflation rate plus 0.5% at the “natural” level of interest — but has crept up in recent months and could cross 3% at this week’s update.

Finally, the committee may adjust the interest it pays on its overnight repo operations by 0.05 percentage point in response to the fed funds rate drifting to near the bottom of its target range. The “ON RPP” rate acts as a floor for the funds rate and is currently at 4.55% while the effective funds rate is 4.58%. Minutes from the November FOMC meeting indicated officials were considering a “technical adjustment” to the rate.

Expect a 'hawkish cut' from the Fed this week, says BofA's Mark Cabana

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Iran faces dual crisis amid currency drop and loss of major regional ally

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A briefcase filled with Iranian rial banknotes sits on display at a currency exchange market on Ferdowsi street in Tehran, Iran, on Saturday, Jan. 6, 2018.

Ali Mohammadi | Bloomberg | Getty Images

Iran is confronting its worst set of crises in years, facing a spiraling economy along with a series of unprecedented geopolitical and military blows to its power in the Middle East.

Over the weekend, Iran’s currency, the rial, hit a record low of 756,000 to the dollar, according to Reuters. Since September, the embattled currency has suffered the ripple effects of devastating hits to Iran’s proxies, including Lebanon’s Hezbollah and Palestinian militant group Hamas, as well as the November election of Donald Trump to the U.S. presidency.

With the fall of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad amid a shock offensive by rebel groups, Tehran lost its most important ally in the Middle East. Assad, who is accused of war crimes against his own people, fled to Russia and left a highly fractured country behind him.

“The fall of Assad has existential implications for the Islamic Republic,” Behnam ben Taleblu, a senior fellow at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies in Washington, told CNBC. “Lest we forget, the regime ahs spent well over a decade in treasure, blood, and reputation to save a regime which ultimately folded in less than two weeks.”

The currency’s fall exposes the extent of the hardship faced by ordinary Iranians, who struggle to afford everyday goods and suffer high inflation and unemployment after years of heavy Western sanctions compounded by domestic corruption and economic mismanagement.

Trump has pledged to take a hard line on Iran and will be re-entering the White House roughly six years after unilaterally pulling the U.S. out of the Iranian nuclear deal and re-imposing sweeping sanctions on the country.

Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian has expressed his government’s willingness to negotiate and revive the deal, officially known as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, which lifted some sanctions on Iran in exchange for curbs to its nuclear program. But the attempted outreach comes at a time when the International Atomic Energy Agency says Tehran is enriching uranium at record levels, reaching 60% purity — a short technical step from the weapons-grade purity level of 90%.

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