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The search for justice in America is not a nine-to-five job

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“I APPRECIATE everything that you’ve done,” Judge Jonathan Svetkey told a team of defence lawyers at a recent Night Court arraignment in Manhattan. The lawyers had asked for their client to be released under supervision. They had been working on getting mental-health services and a bed for the night. The judge was sceptical the defendant would accompany them to a shelter. “What if he says, ‘I’m going the other way?’ What are you going to do?” He set bail for $5,000. Judge Svetkey moved on; Night Court usually must handle 70-90 cases a shift.

By day, Manhattan’s Criminal Court is a bustling building. Long queues snake through the metal detectors at the entrance. Lawyers, jurors, defendants and police fill the corridors. But come 5pm, the building clears out, except for two courtrooms, which remain open until 1am to handle arraignments.

Night Court has been around a long time, and without it, New York City’s criminal courts would be even more badly backlogged than they already are. These days, however, late shifts in courts also reflect a national effort to use alternative hours to improve efficiency and engender public trust in the justice system.

To aid rule-breaking drivers who hold down day jobs, many Californian counties offer late hours for traffic court, from 5pm-7.30pm. Forced online by covid, courts around the country continue to hold virtual hearings. Getting to court might be unsafe if someone needs a protection order against a violent partner, so Cook County, which includes Chicago, offers remote proceedings from 9pm until 3am on weekdays, as well as on weekend afternoons. Alternative hours can be used to increase participation, among other benefits, says Danielle Hirsch of the National Centre for State Courts, a non-profit group that promotes court innovations.

Swamped by criminal defendants, New York embraced alternative hours before it was a cause of better-government types. Until 2003, Manhattan’s arraignment court was open 24 hours a day. A third session known as the “lobster shift” ran from 1am until 9am. But during the 1990s, Gotham became one of the safest big cities in America. Fewer arrests meant fewer arraignments. More recently district attorneys have stopped prosecuting marijuana-possession cases, which used to jam up arraignment court. But the remaining shift of Night Court remains busy most nights.

Arrests related to domestic-violence are rising. The influx of migrants has put a strain on the city’s social and judicial services. More migrants are appearing before a criminal-court judge, often for shoplifting necessities such as nappies or stealing something to sell on. A few face charges for more serious crimes such as assault.

New York City law requires, with some exceptions, that defendants appear before a judge within 24 hours of arrest. It would be difficult to meet this goal without Night Court. The arraignment process is no different from during the day. The prosecutor presents the charges and requests that the defendant post bail, be released under supervision or be remanded to jail. Perhaps because it is night, however, some of the emotions seem heightened and many of the defendants can look fragile. Shelter and other services are not as readily available at a late hour, which can be especially worrying on cold winter nights.

Late-night feelings

As in day court, many defendants have mental-health issues and some suffer from drug addiction. Most are poor. Some do not have coats. One former Legal Aid Society lawyer says she had to run out to a 24-hour pharmacy to buy shoes for a client. Taramanie Sukhu, an arraignment supervisor, often shares food.

Ed McCarthy, of Legal Aid, has been working Night Court for more than two decades. He says there is not always a social worker available in the evening or on weekends. (Court is in session seven days and nights each week in New York City.) Defendants can languish at Rikers Island, the city’s largest and most notorious jail, Mr McCarthy says, “only because there’s nobody to offer a programme or a way of giving judges reasons to release you.”

Aubrey Fox of New York City Criminal Justice Agency, a charity supporting pre-trial defendants, says that an infrastructure to promote release instead of detention does function quietly in the background. For every person held at Rikers, nine are released into the community. Many are candidates for treatment and other social services. About 85% make all their court dates. “That gives judges more confidence that if they release someone they will be taken care of,” Mr Fox says.

Night Court is one place where this triage begins. The public gallery tends to be quiet, except for the occasional family member. One family drove from Michigan when a close relative was arrested. The late-shift courtrooms also attract tourists. Kathrin Kolvenbach, a trainee lawyer from Germany, said she had heard about it from a guidebook. She was there to learn about America’s court system. Others are there to gawk, looking for gritty entertainment. Tourists give Night Court tips to each other on Tripadvisor, a travel website. One defence lawyer said seeing tourists, who tend to be white Europeans, leaves a bad taste in her mouth and unsettles her clients, who are mostly African-American or Hispanic.

Krystal Rodriguez, policy head of the Data Collaborative for Justice at John Jay College, says arraignments both night and day are a “snapshot of how the criminal-justice system becomes the unfortunate repository for all these other social issues that outside of the criminal legal system we haven’t been able to address”. Many Americans learned about Night Court from an eponymous sitcom that ran from 1984 until 1992. It was recently rebooted and is not very funny. There are few laughs in the real one either.

Stay on top of American politics with The US in brief, our daily newsletter with fast analysis of the most important electoral stories, and Checks and Balance, a weekly note from our Lexington columnist that examines the state of American democracy and the issues that matter to voters.

Economics

Donald Trump sacks America’s top military brass

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THE FIRST shot against America’s senior military leaders was fired within hours of Donald Trump’s inauguration on January 20th: General Mark Milley’s portrait was removed from the wall on the E-ring, where it had hung with paintings of other former chairmen of the joint chiefs of staff. A day later the commandant of the coast guard, Admiral Linda Fagan, was thrown overboard. On February 21st it was the most senior serving officer, General Charles “CQ” Brown, a former F-16 pilot, who was ejected from the Pentagon. At least he was spared a Trumpian farewell insult. “He is a fine gentleman and an outstanding leader,” Mr Trump declared.

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Checks and Balance newsletter: The journalist’s dilemma of covering Trump

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Germany’s election will usher in new leadership — but might not change its economy

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Production at the VW plant in Emden.

Sina Schuldt | Picture Alliance | Getty Images

The struggling German economy has been a major talking point among critics of Chancellor Olaf Scholz’ government during the latest election campaign — but analysts warn a new leadership might not turn these tides.

As voters prepare to head to the polls, it is now all but certain that Germany will soon have a new chancellor. The Christian Democratic Union’s Friedrich Merz is the firm favorite.

Merz has not shied away from blasting Scholz’s economic policies and from linking them to the lackluster state of Europe’s largest economy. He argues that a government under his leadership would give the economy the boost it needs.

Experts speaking to CNBC were less sure.

“There is a high risk that Germany will get a refurbished economic model after the elections, but not a brand new model that makes the competition jealous,” Carsten Brzeski, global head of macro at ING, told CNBC.

The CDU/CSU economic agenda

The CDU, which on a federal level ties up with regional sister party the Christian Social Union, is running on a “typical economic conservative program,” Brzeski said.

It includes income and corporate tax cuts, fewer subsidies and less bureaucracy, changes to social benefits, deregulation, support for innovation, start-ups and artificial intelligence and boosting investment among other policies, according to CDU/CSU campaigners.

“The weak parts of the positions are that the CDU/CSU is not very precise on how it wants to increase investments in infrastructure, digitalization and education. The intention is there, but the details are not,” Brzeski said, noting that the union appears to be aiming to revive Germany’s economic model without fully overhauling it.

“It is still a reform program which pretends that change can happen without pain,” he said.

Geraldine Dany-Knedlik, head of forecasting at research institute DIW Berlin, noted that the CDU is also looking to reach gross domestic product growth of around 2% again through its fiscal and economic program called “Agenda 2030.”

But reaching such levels of economic expansion in Germany “seems unrealistic,” not just temporarily, but also in the long run, she told CNBC.

Germany’s GDP declined in both 2023 and 2024. Recent quarterly growth readings have also been teetering on the verge of a technical recession, which has so far been narrowly avoided. The German economy shrank by 0.2% in the fourth quarter, compared with the previous three-month stretch, according to the latest reading.

Europe’s largest economy faces pressure in key industries like the auto sector, issues with infrastructure like the country’s rail network and a housebuilding crisis.

Dany-Knedlik also flagged the so-called debt brake, a long-standing fiscal rule that is enshrined in Germany’s constitution, which limits the size of the structural budget deficit and how much debt the government can take on.

Whether or not the clause should be overhauled has been a big part of the fiscal debate ahead of the election. While the CDU ideally does not want to change the debt brake, Merz has said that he may be open to some reform.

“To increase growth prospects substantially without increasing debt also seems rather unlikely,” DIW’s Dany-Knedlik said, adding that, if public investments were to rise within the limits of the debt brake, significant tax increases would be unavoidable.

“Taking into account that a 2 Percent growth target is to be reached within a 4 year legislation period, the Agenda 2030 in combination with conservatives attitude towards the debt break to me reads more of a wish list than a straight forward economic growth program,” she said.

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Franziska Palmas, senior Europe economist at Capital Economics, sees some benefits to the plans of the CDU-CSU union, saying they would likely “be positive” for the economy, but warning that the resulting boost would be small.

“Tax cuts would support consumer spending and private investment, but weak sentiment means consumers may save a significant share of their additional after-tax income and firms may be reluctant to invest,” she told CNBC.  

Palmas nevertheless pointed out that not everyone would come away a winner from the new policies. Income tax cuts would benefit middle- and higher-income households more than those with a lower income, who would also be affected by potential reductions of social benefits.

Coalition talks ahead

Following the Sunday election, the CDU/CSU will almost certainly be left to find a coalition partner to form a majority government, with the Social Democratic Party or the Green party emerging as the likeliest candidates.

The parties will need to broker a coalition agreement outlining their joint goals, including on the economy — which could prove to be a difficult undertaking, Capital Economics’ Palmas said.

“The CDU and the SPD and Greens have significantly different economic policy positions,” she said, pointing to discrepancies over taxes and regulation. While the CDU/CSU want to reduce both items, the SPD and Greens seek to raise taxes and oppose deregulation in at least some areas, Palmas explained.

The group is nevertheless likely to hold the power in any potential negotiations as it will likely have their choice between partnering with the SPD or Greens.

“Accordingly, we suspect that the coalition agreement will include most of the CDU’s main economic proposals,” she said.

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