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Donald Trump tries his hand with meme-stocks

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There is a spirited corner of the internet where MAGA die-hards go to talk politics, God and the stockmarket. On Reddit and Rumble (a kind of far-right YouTube) they pump up their man Donald Trump and his social-media company, Truth Social, which they pray will soon go public via a special-purpose acquisition company (SPAC). Together they pore over its latest filings with the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC), then they read a Bible verse or two. One Old Testament proverb—“Buy the truth and do not sell it”—is almost too apt. “That’s what we’re doing here, folks,” says Chad Nedohin, a hype-man on Rumble. “Literally, as a team of investors, we have bought into truth and we are never selling because we are diamond-handed HODLers”. That is crypto-speak for “hold on for dear life”.

Faith is a prerequisite for this merry band of meme-stock traders. Truth Social’s path to the public markets has been long and fraught, dogged by an SEC probe, lawsuits by disgruntled former employees and a cash crunch. At last a flotation looks imminent. On March 22nd investors in a SPAC—a listed pot of capital—called Digital World Acquisition Corp (DWAC) will vote on whether to merge with Truth Social’s parent company, Trump Media & Technology Group. If enough assent the combined firm will start trading under the NASDAQ ticker DJT.

The deal comes at an opportune time. Trump Media is running on fumes: in the first three quarters of last year it lost $49m and had just $1.8m cash on hand as of September. Through the merger it will raise about $240m, estimates Michael Ohlrogge of New York University School of Law. At DWAC’s current share price the new entity will have a market capitalisation of $6.3bn. As with other meme stocks, that makes no economic sense. The firm has reported 8.9m sign-ups for Truth Social but prefers not to disclose how many are active daily. “Focusing on these KPIs might not align with the best interests” of Trump Media, says its prospectus.

Mr Trump will own a stake worth $4.1bn. But a six-month lock-up, during which he cannot sell, makes paper gains of little use in his present liquidity crunch. In February Mr Trump was fined nearly half a billion dollars for fraud at his property business; by March 25th he must secure a bond for that amount while he appeals against the judgment.

That is proving tricky: about 30 bond companies have turned him down so far because he lacks enough cash to put up as collateral. He has asked an appeals court to reduce the bond. If it refuses he will have to sell assets or ask a rich supporter to bail him out. Failing that Letitia James, the prosecutor who brought the case, could freeze his bank accounts or seize some of his property. She likes to say that she can see 40 Wall Street, one of Mr Trump’s towers, from her office.

As for DJT, economic reality should sink in eventually. If and when Mr Trump liquidates his holdings the share price will drop. Since the beginning of 2019 nine out of ten SPACs have lost value after combining with their target company, notes Michael Klausner of Stanford Law School. On average the share prices of post-merger SPACs have declined by 60%. Target companies got a good deal in these mergers while SPAC shareholders who stuck through the listing—mostly unsophisticated retail investors—took a bath.

The DJT crowd hears the critics; it just thinks they are wrong. Back in 2022, when the SEC was investigating the deal, Mr Nedohin, the Rumble hype-man, insisted that Trump Media was not a Ponzi scheme. “This is different,” he assured his excitable followers. “We are helping promote a company that has the potential to be a trillion dollars easily…It will be paying out!”

Stay on top of American politics with The US in brief, our daily newsletter with fast analysis of the most important electoral stories, and Checks and Balance, a weekly note from our Lexington columnist that examines the state of American democracy and the issues that matter to voters.

Economics

Kash Patel is a crackpot

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Kash Patel likes conspiracy theories. Luckily for everyone else, conspiracists are normally kept far away from America’s federal law-enforcement and intelligence machinery, with all its powers of surveillance, investigation and arrest. Typically, though, Donald Trump has tested this premise in his choice of Mr Patel to lead the FBI. The 44-year-old lawyer—whose Senate confirmation hearing is on January 30th—has called that organisation “one of the most cunning and powerful forces of the Deep State”. If Mr Trump keeps his promise to retaliate against his enemies, the task will fall to his nominee.

Like Pete Hegseth, who won confirmation as defence secretary by a whisker, in pre-Trump times Mr Patel would have had little chance of running a government agency, let alone one this size. The FBI has 38,000 employees, 55 field offices and an $11bn budget. He lacks management experience, scorns the organisation, and his partisanship flouts a post-Watergate norm that law enforcement and intelligence gathering must be insulated from politics.

Mr Patel’s animus towards the national-security establishment started with the Trump-Russia probe. As a congressional aide, Mr Patel seized on real faults in the investigation, then exaggerated them. An FBI lawyer had doctored an email to support an application to wiretap a Trump campaign adviser; this was illegal, and Mr Patel helped expose it. In his telling, however, he discredited the whole inquiry as a nefarious plot to undermine Mr Trump, orchestrated by the justice department (DoJ) and the intelligence agencies. Mr Patel has called former top brass at the DoJ and the FBI corrupt “crooks” and “gangsters” and asked: “Who’s arresting these guys?”

Perhaps he will. An appendix to Mr Patel’s book names 60 deep-state baddies. Democrats call it the Trump administration’s “enemies list”. Steve Bannon, a MAGA troublemaker, recently conceded that the book “might not be a literary thing”—“more typing than writing”—but said that the list is a good preview of future targets. The president offered a more ambiguous preview on inauguration day when he ordered the attorney-general to scour the DoJ for past instances of lawfare and seek “remedial actions”. By lawfare he meant the two (now dismissed) federal indictments against him and the FBI’s raid of Mar-a-Lago, his Florida estate. Already more than a dozen DoJ lawyers who brought those cases have been fired.

Actual prosecutions against the president’s enemies would be hard. They would contend with judges, juries, defence lawyers and evidentiary rules. Investigations of the type Mr Patel would oversee involve fewer constraints. This is especially true when the FBI can cobble together a national-security justification. Then judicial review for, say, a wiretap becomes less burdensome. Everything is classified to boot.

At the FBI, a culture of complying with the law will militate against baseless expeditions, says Daniel Richman, a law professor at Columbia University and former adviser at the bureau under James Comey, the director whom Mr Trump fired in 2017. But line agents and prosecutors will find it hard to object to an inquiry where there is a coherent basis for one, even if the motives behind it are political. Meanwhile, probes exact punishing costs from their targets.

Mr Patel is especially keen on pursuing leakers and their friends in the media. “When you have an underlying illegality committed by a government agent, anyone that participates in that illegality can and should be charged,” Mr Patel has said. He has also suggested “clawback mechanisms” for the money that news outlets make “by printing lies”.

Equally significant is what Mr Patel might deprioritise at the FBI: namely, investigations of far-right activity. This may pick up as groups that went quiet after January 6th re-form thanks to Mr Trump’s pardons. Mr Patel has insinuated that the FBI had a hand in the insurrection. That is a MAGA conspiracy theory, built on the fact that 26 FBI informants were there that day, including four who entered the Capitol. In truth the riot was among the largest intelligence failures in FBI history.

The fact that Mr Patel is even in contention for the FBI job underscores how much has changed between the two Trump administrations. In the first term, the president moved to install him as deputy director of the cia. Gina Haspel, then its boss, threatened to quit and Mr Trump backed down. He tried the same gambit at the FBI before Bill Barr intervened. Both Ms Haspel and Mr Barr had stature accrued over long, distinguished careers; with that came the wherewithal to say no. Mr Patel, by contrast, owes his ascendancy to Mr Trump. On a podcast last year, he intimated how he would handle a lawful but awful order from the president. “If the guy gives me a lawful chain-of-command authority, you want me to not execute it?”

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European Central Bank to cut rates again with Trump threat in focus

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Watch CNBC's full interview with ECB President Christine Lagarde

The European Central Bank is widely expected to kick off its 2025 meetings with another interest rate cut on Thursday, as traders aim to gauge how far the central bank is willing to diverge from a stalled Federal Reserve.

Money markets on Wednesday were pricing in 35 basis points worth of rate cuts for the January meeting, indicating the euro zone’s central bank will cut by at least a quarter-percentage point. That would take the deposit facility, its key rate, to 2.75% marking its fifth trim since it began easing monetary policy in June 2024.

Market pricing then suggests follow-up cuts at the ECB’s March and June meetings, with a fourth and final reduction bringing the deposit facility to 2% by the end of the year.

Expectations for a swift pace of easing this year have solidified, even after headline euro area inflation increased for a third straight month in December. A slight uptick in the rate of price rises was expected due to effects from the energy market, while business activity indicators for the bloc show continued weakness in manufacturing and tepid consumer confidence. Economists polled by Reuters are expecting fourth-quarter growth figures to show GDP expanding just 0.1%, down from 0.4% in the third quarter.

While this week’s ECB rate move is near guaranteed, several key questions remain that its president, Christine Lagarde, will likely be quizzed on during her post-announcement press conference — and many of those relate to the U.S. and its new leader.

One concern is whether the ECB is comfortable with the increasing distance between its own monetary policy path and that of the world’s biggest central bank, the Federal Reserve, which is set to hold rates on Wednesday. Markets are pricing in just two quarter-point rate cuts from the Fed this year, as projected by Fed members in December.

Some strategists suggest the Fed could enact just one cut, and at the very least tread water as it awaits more detail on President Donald Trump’s actual policies versus his extreme trade threats and their potential inflationary impact.

Sergio Ermotti, CEO of UBS, speaking on CNBC's Squawk Box outside the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland on Jan. 21st, 2025.

Interest rates won’t fall as fast as expected if tariffs stoke inflation, UBS CEO says

Lagarde acknowledged that divergence in an interview at the World Economic Forum last week, telling CNBC that it was the result of different economic environments. While the euro area has fallen into stagnation, the U.S. economy has continued to grow at a solid clip in the higher interest rate environment, and many investors are optimistic on the 2025 outlook despite Trump uncertainty.

“We have to look at a differentiation here through the lens of growth and the spare capacity that is building up in the U.S. We have an economy that’s performing strongly and rapidly … We can’t say the same thing when we look at the euro zone,” Sandra Horsfield, economist at Investec, told CNBC’s “Squawk Box Europe” on Wednesday.

“That divergence does mean that inflationary pressures are more likely to be sustained for some time in the U.S.,” she said, leading her to forecast one more Fed cut followed by a pause, and a greater scope for cuts in Europe.

Currency drag

The ECB has repeatedly stressed that it is willing to move ahead of the Fed and that it is focusing on its domestic picture of inflation and growth. However, a major impact of policy differentials is in foreign exchange, with higher rates tending to boost a domestic currency.

This reinforces expectations that the euro could be pulled back to parity with the greenback and suggests even further strength for an already-mighty U.S. dollar in 2025. That matters for the ECB, because a weaker currency increases the cost of importing goods, even if the central bank’s bigger concerns right now relate to domestically-generated services and wage inflation.

Lagarde downplayed the impact of this effect, telling CNBC the exchange rate “will be of interest, and … may have consequences.”

However, she also said she was not concerned about the import of inflation from the U.S. to Europe and continues to expect price rises to cool toward target. The ECB president added that bullishness around the U.S. economy was a positive “because growth in the U.S. has always been a favorable factor for the rest of the world.” 

Trade question

U.S. President Donald Trump makes a special address remotely during the 55th annual World Economic Forum (WEF) meeting in Davos, Switzerland, January 23, 2025. 

Trump slams trade relationship with European Union: ‘We have some very big complaints’

Trade wars could disrupt global supply chains and stoke inflation, warranting higher interest rates at the ECB, said George Lagarias, chief economist at Forvis Mazars.

“Inflation and rate risks are definitely on the upside” for the euro zone, he told CNBC by email.

“EU company selling price expectations have flattened and show an upward tendency. This is a leading indicator to the ECB’s own projections … and the Fed will likely be on a more hawkish path, so significant divergence from the ECB could risk flight of capital towards the Dollar,” he added.

On the possibility that the ECB could enact a bigger half-point rate cut, he said: “If we do see a sharp rate cut, it would mean that the board seeks to protect growth in the core of the euro zone, and make sure that political uncertainty in France and Germany or a loose fiscal policy in Italy do not cause a precipitous rise in borrowing rates.”

Bas van Geffen, senior macro strategist at RaboResearch, also said he was “less optimistic when it comes to the inflation outlook than the ECB is, or markets appear to be,” forecasting a fall in rates to 2.25% this year.

“When the ECB incorporates Trump tariffs in their baseline scenario, we would expect higher inflation forecasts on their part too,” he told CNBC.

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Economics

Germany slashes economic growth expectations ahead of February election

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Economy and Climate Action Minister and Greens Party chancellor candidate Robert Habeck arrives for the weekly federal government cabinet meeting on January 29, 2025 in Berlin, Germany.

Sean Gallup | Getty Images News | Getty Images

The German government on Wednesday slashed its gross domestic product forecast to just 0.3% growth in 2025.

The latest GDP estimate is sharply down from an October projection of 1.1% growth this year, but broadly in line with forecasts from other economic bodies. The International Monetary Fund earlier this month cut its outlook and now sees 0.3% growth for the German economy this year, while the federal Bundesbank in December said it was anticipating the GDP to increase by 0.2% over the period.

In contrast, the association of German Industry on Tuesday forecast the country’s economy will contract by 0.1% in 2025, in what would be the third annual decline in a row.

Annual GDP figures released earlier this month showed that Germany’s economy contracted by 0.2% in 2024, after already shrinking 0.3% in the previous year. Quarterly GDP figures have also been sluggish, but so far a technical recession, which is characterized by two consecutive quarter of contraction, has been avoided.

The domestic economy will likely initially only show weak development this year due to continuing geopolitical uncertainty and a lack of clarity about the economic and fiscal direction of the new government, the German ministry for the economy and climate said in a statement accompanying its 2025 economic report.

It envisaged that the economy will then pick up pace as inflation falls, real incomes rise and economic conditions become clearer.

Germany is headed for a federal election on Feb. 23, which is taking place earlier than originally planned after the country’s ruling coalition broke apart in November.

Echoing Finance Minister Jörg Kukies’ comments to CNBC last week, Economy and Climate Minister Robert Habeck said in a statement that Germany suffers from structural problems. He pointed to a shortage of laborers and skilled workers, exuberant bureaucracy and weak investment.

A preliminary reading of Germany’s fourth quarter GDP is due out Thursday. The country’s statistics office earlier this month said that, based on the information available at the time, the economy pulled back by 0.1% in the three months to the end of December.

The Wednesday economic report also pegged inflation as set to average 2.2% this year. Germany’s consumer price index had fallen back below the European Central Bank’s 2% target in late summer, but has risen again since.

This is a breaking news story. Please check back for updates.

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