On a commercial stretch of Queens, New York, across from a hair-braiding salon and next to a McDonald’s, two security guards mark the entrance to the Jamaica Sexual Health Clinic. For years this has been the neighbourhood’s go-to place for STI testing and HIV treatment. Joaquin Aracena, from the Bureau of Public Health Clinics, proudly shows its newest addition: the reproductive-health wing. With freshly painted white walls and pastel-green doors, it is distinctly less institutional-looking than the rest of the clinic.
“Once they did [away with] Roe v Wade I was able to get this space,” he says. The clinic now offers walk-in medication abortions free to all. Word is clearly spreading. Last year it provided just over 700 abortions; in January it was 100, and this morning the two nurse practitioners have already sent four women home with a non-transparent bag containing the pills they need to terminate their pregnancies.
This is one of the more unexpected results of the Supreme Court’s decision in 2022 to overturn Roe, a ruling that returned the issue of abortion to states and triggered bans. That gave the city’s government new energy to take a more active role in co-ordinating access to abortion, says the city’s health commissioner, Ashwin Vasan. This included putting up billboards in Arizona and Texas and opening clinics in underserved pockets of the city. Less than nine months after Dobbs v Jackson, the ruling that overturned Roe, the Jamaica clinic’s abortion service was up and running.
Many hurdles—practical, financial, social—can stand in a woman’s way, even where abortion is legal. One consequence of Dobbs is improved access in states with a supportive approach to abortion.
New data from the Guttmacher Institute, a pro-abortion-rights research group, estimate that over 1m abortions were performed in America in 2023—a rise of 10% compared with 2020 and the highest number in over a decade. This is astonishing, given that the procedure is now banned in 14 states and has become restricted in several more. States bordering those with bans had the steepest rises: up by 72% in Illinois since 2020, 76% in Virginia and 257% in New Mexico.
Last year more than 160,000 women—over 400 a day—crossed state borders to terminate pregnancies, versus 81,100 in 2020 (albeit a covid-19 year). More surprising is the growth among residents of abortion-supporting states. In California locals had an estimated 21,470 more abortions in 2023 than in 2020 (accounting for 88% of the state’s increase) and in New York they had 20,460 more (97%). Overall, in states without bans, over half of the rise was the result of locals having more abortions.
Efforts to improve access in such states may help explain this growth. Several states have reduced out-of-pocket spending for patients. Illinois, New Mexico and New York have increased their Medicaid reimbursement rates for first- and second-trimester abortion procedures by more than 200%, according to forthcoming analysis by KFF, a health-research group. In ten states health insurers are now required to cover abortion, up from six before Dobbs.
Nothing has helped expand access as much as abortion pills, which now account for 63% of abortions in America, up from 45% in 2019 (see chart). Medication abortions are cheaper than procedural ones, and easier for clinics to provide and (especially in rural areas) for patients to receive. They are effective in the first trimester, when 94% of abortions happen. Telehealth experiments during the pandemic helped fuel the expansion, as did a loosening of regulations on their use and distribution. Next week the Supreme Court will consider whether the rules should be tightened again.
Whereas in 2020 only 7% of providers offered abortions via telemedicine, by 2022 that had increased to 31%. Mai Fleming from Hey Jane, a virtual-only abortion provider, says she can offer medication abortions at “a fraction” of the cost of bricks-and-mortar clinics. She has seen particularly large increases in orders from states that border restrictive states, such as Colorado, Illinois and New Mexico.
Abortion havens have also solidified legal protections, both for patients (eg, data privacy) and providers (eg, malpractice insurance). Some have amended state constitutions to include a right to abortion. Six states now have telemedicine shield laws that protect licensed practitioners from prosecution if they prescribe and send pills to patients in states that ban abortion.
Alternative explanations for the nationwide rise in abortions, beyond the spread of pills and efforts to lower barriers, do not seem to hold water. It does not, for example, appear to stem from a spike in unplanned pregnancies, which—a short bump during the covid pandemic excepted—show little sign of change since Dobbs.
It would be wrong to conclude that all is fine in post-Roe America. Abortion pills may be a godsend for early unplanned pregnancies, but for women in states with bans who need an abortion later—often due to fetal abnormalities detected at the 20-week scan—getting an abortion is harder than it has been for decades.■
Correction (March 19th 2024): An earlier version of this article misstated the number of women who crossed state borders to terminate pregnancies in 2020. Sorry.
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The columns of Royal Exchange are dressed for Christmas, at Bank in the City of London, the capital’s financial district, on 20th November 2024, in London, England.
Richard Baker | In Pictures | Getty Images
LONDON — U.K. inflation rose to 2.6% in November, the Office for National Statistics said Wednesday, marking the second straight monthly increase in the headline figure.
The reading was in line with the forecast of economists polled by Reuters, and climbed from 2.3% in October.
Core inflation, excluding energy, food, alcohol and tobacco, came in at 3.5%, just under a Reuters forecast of 3.6%.
Headline price rises hit a three-and-a-half year low of 1.7% in September, but was expected to tick higher in the following months, partly due to an increase in the regulator-set energy price cap this winter.
“This upwards trajectory looks set to continue over the next few months,” Joe Nellis, economic adviser at accountancy MHA, said in emailed comments on Wednesday, citing the energy market and “the long-term pressure of a tight domestic labor market.”
Persistent inflation in the services sector, the dominant part of the U.K. economy, has led money markets to price in almost no chance of an interest rate cut during the Bank of England’s final meeting of the year on Thursday. Those bets were solidified earlier this week when the ONS reported that regular wage growth strengthened to 5.2% over the August-October period, up from 4.9% over July-September.
The November data showed services inflation was unchanged at 5%.
The U.S. Federal Reserve is widely expected to trim rates by a quarter point at its own meeting on Wednesday, taking total cuts of the year to a full percentage point. Some skepticism lingers over whether it should take this step, given inflationary pressures.
This is a breaking news story and will be updated shortly.
Federal Reserve Chair Jerome Powell speaks during a news conference following the November 6-7, 2024, Federal Open Market Committee meeting at William McChesney Martin Jr. Federal Reserve Board Building, in Washington, DC, November 7, 2024.
Andrew Caballero-Reynolds | AFP | Getty Images
Inflation is stubbornly above target, the economy is growing at about a 3% pace and the labor market is holding strong. Put it all together and it sounds like a perfect recipe for the Federal Reserve to raise interest rates or at least to stay put.
That’s not what is likely to happen, however, when the Federal Open Market Committee, the central bank’s rate-setting entity, announces its policy decision Wednesday.
Instead, futures market traders are pricing in a near-certainty that the FOMC actually will lower its benchmark overnight borrowing rate by a quarter percentage point, or 25 basis points. That would take it down to a target range of 4.25%-4.5%.
Even with the high level of market anticipation, it could be a decision that comes under an unusual level of scrutiny. A CNBC survey found that while 93% of respondents said they expect a cut, only 63% said it is the right thing to do.
“I’d be inclined to say ‘no cut,'” former Kansas City Fed President Esther George said Tuesday during a CNBC “Squawk Box” interview. “Let’s wait and see how the data comes in. Twenty-five basis points usually doesn’t make or break where we are, but I do think it is a time to signal to markets and to the public that they have not taken their eye off the ball of inflation.”
Inflation indeed remains a nettlesome problem for policymakers.
While the annual rate has come down substantially from its 40-year peak in mid-2022, it has been mired around the 2.5%-3% range for much of 2024. The Fed targets inflation at 2%.
The Commerce Department is expected to report Friday that the personal consumption expenditures price index, the Fed’s preferred inflation gauge, ticked higher in November to 2.5%, or 2.9% on the core reading that excludes food and energy.
Justifying a rate cut in that environment will require some deft communication from Chair Jerome Powell and the committee. Former Boston Fed President Eric Rosengren also recently told CNBC that he would not cut at this meeting.
“They’re very clear about what their target is, and as we’re watching inflation data come in, we’re seeing that it’s not continuing to decelerate in the same manner that it had earlier,” George said. “So that, I think, is a reason to be cautious and to really think about how much of this easing of policy is required to keep the economy on track.”
Fed officials who have spoken in favor of cutting say that policy doesn’t need to be as restrictive in the current environment and they don’t want to risk damaging the labor market.
Chance of a ‘hawkish cut’
If the Fed follows through on the cut, it will mark a full percentage point lopped off the federal funds rate since September.
While that’s a considerable amount of easing in a short period of time, Fed officials have tools at their disposal to let the markets know that future cuts won’t come so easily.
One of those tools is the dot-plot matrix of individual members’ expectations for rates over the next few years. That will be updated Wednesday along with the rest of the Summary of Economic Projections that will include informal outlooks for inflation, unemployment and gross domestic product.
Another is the use of guidance in the post-meeting statement to indicate where the committee sees policy headed. Finally, Powell can use his news conference to provide further clues.
It’s the Powell parley with the media that markets will be watching most closely, followed by the dot plot. Powell recently said the Fed “can afford to be a little more cautious” about how quickly it eases amid what he characterized as a “strong” economy.
“We’ll see them leaning into the direction of travel, to begin the process of moving up their inflation forecast,” said Vincent Reinhardt, BNY Mellon chief economist and former director of the Division of Monetary Affairs at the Fed, where he served 24 years. “The dots [will] drift up a little bit, and [there will be] a big preoccupation at the press conference with the idea of skipping meetings. So it’ll turn out to be a hawkish cut in that regard.”
What about Trump?
Powell is almost certain to be asked about how policy might position in regard to fiscal policy under President-elect Donald Trump.
Thus far, the chair and his colleagues have brushed aside questions about the impact Trump’s initiatives could have on monetary policy, citing uncertainty over what is just talk now and what will become reality later. Some economists think the incoming president’s plans for aggressive tariffs, tax cuts and mass deportations could aggravate inflation even more.
“Obviously the Fed’s in a bind,” Reinhart said. “We used to call it the trapeze artist problem. If you’re a trapeze artist, you don’t leave your platform to swing out until you’re sure your partner is swung out. For the central bank, they can’t really change their forecast in response to what they believe will happen in the political economy until they’re pretty sure there’ll be those changes in the political economy.”
“A big preoccupation at the press conference is going to the idea of skipping meetings,” he added. “So it’ll turn out to be, I think, a hawkish easing in that regard. As [Trump’s] policies are actually put in place, then they may move the forecast by more.”
Other actions on tap
Most Wall Street forecasters see Fed officials raising their expectations for inflation and reducing the expectations for rate cuts in 2025.
When the dot plot was last updated in September, officials indicated the equivalent of four quarter-point cuts next year. Markets already have lowered their own expectations for easing, with an expected path of two cuts in 2025 following the move this week, according to the CME Group’s FedWatch measure.
The outlook also is for the Fed to skip the January meeting. Wall Street is expecting little to no change in the post-meeting statement.
Officials also are likely to raise their estimate for the “neutral” rate of interest that neither boosts nor restricts growth. That level had been around 2.5% for years — a 2% inflation rate plus 0.5% at the “natural” level of interest — but has crept up in recent months and could cross 3% at this week’s update.
Finally, the committee may adjust the interest it pays on its overnight repo operations by 0.05 percentage point in response to the fed funds rate drifting to near the bottom of its target range. The “ON RPP” rate acts as a floor for the funds rate and is currently at 4.55% while the effective funds rate is 4.58%. Minutes from the November FOMC meeting indicated officials were considering a “technical adjustment” to the rate.
A briefcase filled with Iranian rial banknotes sits on display at a currency exchange market on Ferdowsi street in Tehran, Iran, on Saturday, Jan. 6, 2018.
Ali Mohammadi | Bloomberg | Getty Images
Iran is confronting its worst set of crises in years, facing a spiraling economy along with a series of unprecedented geopolitical and military blows to its power in the Middle East.
Over the weekend, Iran’s currency, the rial, hit a record low of 756,000 to the dollar, according to Reuters. Since September, the embattled currency has suffered the ripple effects of devastating hits to Iran’s proxies, including Lebanon’s Hezbollah and Palestinian militant group Hamas, as well as the November election of Donald Trump to the U.S. presidency.
With the fall of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad amid a shock offensive by rebel groups, Tehran lost its most important ally in the Middle East. Assad, who is accused of war crimes against his own people, fled to Russia and left a highly fractured country behind him.
“The fall of Assad has existential implications for the Islamic Republic,” Behnam ben Taleblu, a senior fellow at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies in Washington, told CNBC. “Lest we forget, the regime ahs spent well over a decade in treasure, blood, and reputation to save a regime which ultimately folded in less than two weeks.”
The currency’s fall exposes the extent of the hardship faced by ordinary Iranians, who struggle to afford everyday goods and suffer high inflation and unemployment after years of heavy Western sanctions compounded by domestic corruption and economic mismanagement.
Trump has pledged to take a hard line on Iran and will be re-entering the White House roughly six years after unilaterally pulling the U.S. out of the Iranian nuclear deal and re-imposing sweeping sanctions on the country.
Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian has expressed his government’s willingness to negotiate and revive the deal, officially known as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, which lifted some sanctions on Iran in exchange for curbs to its nuclear program. But the attempted outreach comes at a time when the International Atomic Energy Agency says Tehran is enriching uranium at record levels, reaching 60% purity — a short technical step from the weapons-grade purity level of 90%.