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Is New York rethinking its sanctuary-city status?

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IN MANY PLACES it can take decades, if not generations, to be deemed a local. But as soon as anyone sets foot in the Big Apple, they are New Yorkers, regardless of immigration status or bagel preference. Eric Adams, though, New York’s mayor, has called for a change in the sanctuary-city law. This has triggered a debate on sanctuary cities and worry among immigrant groups. What is a sanctuary city and why is Mr Adams rethinking the policy?

Broadly, sanctuary cities (some 200 cities, counties and states) limit co-operation with immigration authorities: partly through laws and executive orders, but mainly based on the will of local people and the local government. When New York City became a sanctuary city in 1989, it was less an immigration policy and more a public-safety one. The then mayor, Ed Koch, wanted to encourage irregular migrants to co-operate with police when they were victims of a crime or witness to one. In return, their status would not be shared with the federal government. Those arrested were not necessarily handed over to immigration authorities.

Koch’s successors all abided by similar orders. Rudy Giuliani, a Republican who later served as Donald Trump’s lawyer, once said to illicit immigrants, “You’re one of the people who we want in this city. You’re somebody that we want to protect.” In 1996 he sued the federal government to stop city workers from turning over information about unlawful migrants in New York to immigration officials. In 2014 and in 2018 Bill de Blasio implemented measures further limiting co-operation. Police no longer honoured federal requests to detain people. Mr de Blasio evicted immigration officers from city jails. The law allows for exemptions, such as people with recent convictions for certain violent crimes and those on the terrorism watch list. Judicial warrants are obeyed.

Sanctuary cities have “become the litmus test of the attitudes of local jurisdictions toward immigration”, says Muzaffar Chishti of the Migration Policy Institute, a think-tank. The term has become politicised and gets weaponised. Some seem to think immigrants are being hidden from law enforcement in the basements of city halls. After becoming president in 2017 Donald Trump tried to withhold federal funding from sanctuary cities (President Joe Biden later rescinded that order). The strong-arming galvanised Democratic leaders into further protecting their sanctuary cities. But now some may be wavering.

Last year some Chicago lawmakers questioned its sanctuary status, but a move to put a referendum on the ballot was voted down. A few high-profile incidents involving recently arrived asylum-seekers, including the shooting of a tourist in Times Square, appear to have shaken Mr Adams’s resolve. “We need to modify the sanctuary-city law,” he said at a recent town-hall meeting. “If you commit a felony, a violent act, we should be able to turn you over to ICE [Immigration and Customs Enforcement] and have you deported.”

Some fear his comments will lead to mistrust and violence. “He’s intentionally misleading New Yorkers about the impact of immigrants,” says Marlene Galaz of the New York Immigration Coalition, an advocacy group. She says he is also misleading New Yorkers about what sanctuary cities are: the laws protect not just those who have been there for three hours, but also people who have been there for three decades. Some sanctuary-city opponents argue that immigrants increase crime. But new research from Stanford University suggests otherwise. Since 1880 immigrants have not been more likely to be jailed than people born in America. Indeed, immigrants are 30% less likely to be incarcerated than white people born in America and 60% less likely than black Americans.

Since the mayor’s remarks there has been no change in policy. The city-council speaker has no plans to change the laws. But there has been a political impact. Troy Nehls, a Republican congressman from Texas, tweeted that “Democrats don’t even want to live under their policies.” The scheme to bus migrants from border towns to sanctuary cities has been effective. Mr Chishti says that Greg Abbott, the governor of Texas, “has not only weaponised this issue for his own party, but he has changed the politics of the other party as well.”

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Economics

Andrew Bailey on why UK-U.S. trade deal won’t end uncertainty

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Bank of England Governor Andrew Bailey attends the central bank’s Monetary Policy Report press conference at the Bank of England, in the City of London, on May 8, 2025.

Carlos Jasso | Afp | Getty Images

Bank of England Governor Andrew Bailey told CNBC on Thursday that the U.K. was heading for more economic uncertainty, despite the country being the first to strike a trade agreement with the U.S. under President Donald Trump’s controversial tariff regime.

“The tariff and trade situation has injected more uncertainty into the situation… There’s more uncertainty now than there was in the past,” Bailey told CNBC in an interview.

“A U.K.-U.S. trade agreement is very welcome in that sense, very welcome. But the U.K. is a very open economy,” he continued.

That means that the impact from tariffs on the U.K. economy comes not just from its own trade relationship with Washington, but also from those of the U.S. and the rest of the world, he said.

“I hope that what we’re seeing on the U.K.-U.S. trade side will be the first of many, and it will be repeated by a whole series of trade agreements, but we have to see that happen of course, and where it actually ends up.”

“Because, of course, we are looking at tariff levels that are probably higher than they were beforehand.”

Trump unveils United Kingdom trade deal, first since ‘reciprocal’ tariff pause

In Bank of England’s Monetary Policy Report released Thursday, the word “uncertainty” was used 41 times across its 97 pages, up from 36 times in February, according to a CNBC tally.

The U.K. central bank cut interest rates by a quarter percentage point on Thursday, taking its key rate to 4.25%. The decision was highly divided among the seven members of its Monetary Policy Committee, with five voting for the 25 basis point cut, two voting to hold rates and two voting to reduce by a larger 50 basis points.

Bailey said that while some analysts had perceived the rate decision as more hawkish than expected — in other words, leaning toward holding rates elevated than slashing them rapidly — he was not surprised by the close vote.

“What it reflects is that there are two sides, there are risks on both sides here,” he told CNBC.

“We could get a much more severe weakness of demand than we were expecting, that could then pass through to a weaker outlook for inflation than we were expecting.”

“There’s a risk on the other side that we could get some combination of more persistence in the inflation effects that are gradually working their way through the system,” such as in wages and energy, while “supply capacity in the economy is weaker,” he said.

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Economics

Trump knocks down a controversial pillar of civil-rights law

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IN THE DELUGE of 145 executive orders issued by President Donald Trump (on subjects as disparate as “Restoring American Seafood Competitiveness” and “Maintaining Acceptable Water Pressure in Showerheads”) it can be difficult to discern which are truly consequential. But one of them, signed on April 23rd under the bland headline “Restoring Equality of Opportunity and Meritocracy”, aims to remake civil-rights law. Those primed to distrust Mr Trump on such matters may be surprised to learn that the president’s target is not just important but also well-chosen.

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Economics

Harvard has more problems than Donald Trump

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A Programme at Harvard Divinity School aspired to “deZionize Jewish consciousness”. During “privilege trainings”, working-class Harvard students were instructed that, by being Jewish, they were oppressing wealthier, better prepared classmates. A course in Harvard’s graduate school of public health, “The Settler Colonial Determinants of Health”, sought to “interrogate the relationships between settler colonialism, Zionism, antisemitism, and other forms of racism”: Will these findings by Harvard’s task-force on antisemitism and anti-Israel bias, released on April 29th, shock anyone? Maybe not. Americans may be numb by now to bulletins about the excesses, not to say inanities, of some leftist academics.

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