Connect with us

Accounting

Tax Strategy: Trump tax proposals and 2025 tax legislation

Published

on

2025 promises to be a very big year for tax legislation.

Having the White House, House and Senate all in control of the same party increases the likelihood that major tax legislation can be agreed upon. The Tax Cuts and Jobs Act was enacted in the first year of Donald Trump’s first term when Republicans also had control of the White House and Congress. Republicans are also likely to use budget reconciliation to enable the legislation to be enacted without any Democratic support by avoiding the filibuster rules of the Senate.

Republicans will still have to keep almost all their members on board given their narrow majorities in both the House and Senate. Budget reconciliation will also require Republicans to agree on a budget resolution that will specify the spending, taxes, and deficit to be allowed under the budget resolution, and then require the congressional committees to follow that resolution in crafting the legislation.

The two main focuses of the 2025 tax legislation are likely to be extension of and other tinkering with the provisions of the TCJA, many of which are currently set to expire after 2025, and enactment of the many tax-related proposals Trump has made on the campaign trail. The legislation will still be difficult to pull together, with many of the tax proposals coming at a high cost, and growing concern about increasing the size of the federal deficit.

Expiring TCJA provisions

President-elect Trump has proposed extending almost all the expiring provisions of the TCJA. These include:

  1. Maintaining the current tax rate brackets with a top rate of 37%;
  2. Maintaining the TCJA’s elevated standard deduction, which has resulted in around 80% of taxpayers claiming the standard deduction rather than itemizing;
  3. Continuing the elimination of the personal exemption;
  4. Continuing the elimination of miscellaneous itemized deductions in excess of the 2% floor, including unreimbursed employee business expenses, investment expenses, tax preparation fees, and safe deposit box rental expenses;
  5. Continuing the elimination of the Pease limit on overall itemized deductions;
  6. Continuing the 60% of adjusted gross income limit on charitable contribution deductions;
  7. Continuing the current $750,000 limit on the mortgage interest deduction;
  8. Continuing the current $2,000 Child Tax Credit with a $1,400 refundable amount;
  9. Continuing the current, more limited, individual alternative minimum tax; and,
  10. Continuing the current high level of the unified estate and gift tax exclusion amount, which is $13,990,000 for 2025.

The TCJA also included the $10,000 limit on the state and local tax deduction. Trump has mentioned perhaps letting that limit expire. Other proposals include at least doubling it for married filing jointly to $10,000 for each spouse or otherwise increasing the limit.

Several business provisions are also already phasing down. Republicans included retroactively extending these provisions in the Tax Relief for American Families and Workers bill in 2024. However, that bill failed to pass the Senate. These include:

  1. Restoration of 100% deduction for research and experimentation expenses;
  2. Restoration of 100% bonus depreciation, currently phasing down to 60% in 2024 and 40% in 2025; and,
  3. Restoration of the business interest deduction limitation to not include adjustments for depreciation, depletion and amortization.

A few business-related provisions of the TCJA are also scheduled to expire after 2025. These include:

  1. The 20% qualified business income deduction;
  2. The disallowance of the moving expense deduction, other than for members of the armed forces; and,
  3. Empowerment Zones and the New Markets Tax Credit, expiring at the end of 2025, and Opportunity Zones, expiring at the end of 2026.

Several of the international tax provisions of the TCJA are modified after 2025:

  1. BEAT increases to 12.5% from 10%;
  2. GILTI deduction drops from 50% to 37.5%;
  3. FDII drops from 37.5% to 21.875%; and,
  4. The look-through rule for controlled foreign corporations from other related CFCs expires.
trump-no-tax-on-tips-sign.jpg
Donald Trump during a campaign event in Las Vegas

Ian Maule/Getty Images

Trump’s campaign proposals

President-elect Trump made a number of tax proposals at campaign stops during the election campaign. Most of them lack detail as to how they would be implemented.

  • No taxation of tip income. This would be a new concept in the tax law. It would favor workers receiving tip income over other low-wage workers who do not receive tip income and might encourage employers to try to push more employees into tip income. It is not clear if it would include tips in kind or only cash tips. Taxation of tip income was already difficult to administer, and it is not clear if this would simplify administration or further complicate the issue. The proposal would be expensive.
  • No taxation of overtime. This would also be a new concept in the tax law. It also raises definitional questions of what constitutes overtime — e.g., does it include an employee who works more than 40 hours per week because the employee holds two jobs? It might encourage employees to try to maximize overtime pay versus regular pay. The proposal would also be expensive.
  • No taxation of Social Security benefits. This would be relatively easy to incorporate into the tax law since Social Security benefits are already not taxed to recipients under certain income levels. The proposal would be expensive and contribute to a more rapid depletion of the Social Security Trust Fund.
  • Deduction of car loan interest. This would be relatively easy to incorporate into the tax law since there is already a deduction for home mortgage interest. This proposal would also be expensive to adopt. It might help more taxpayers qualify for itemized deductions in excess of the standard deduction.
  • Elimination of double taxation of citizens living abroad. There are already several tax provisions designed to limit double taxation of citizens living abroad. These include tax treaties, the foreign tax credit, the foreign earned income exclusion, and the foreign housing deduction and exclusion. It is not clear if this proposal would try to modify these provisions or seek to revise the fundamental U.S. tax policy of taxing U.S. citizens on their worldwide income regardless of where they reside.
  • Elimination of clean energy credits. Trump has specifically proposed eliminating the clean energy credits with respect to electric vehicles. It is not clear how far this extends to other clean energy credits. Many Republican lawmakers have voiced support for some of the clean energy credits. This proposal would help to raise some revenue to offset the expense of some of the other proposals.
  • Corporate income tax. Although the corporate income tax rate established by the TCJA is permanent at 21% and not set to expire, Trump has proposed lowering it further to 18% or 20% and 15% for domestic manufacturers. This would also be an expensive provision that might be dropped due to deficit concerns.
  • Sovereign wealth fund. Trump has proposed establishing a sovereign wealth fund for investment activities by the government, similar to funds operated by several other countries. Trump has proposed funding it with tariffs and has predicted that it would be a revenue raiser for the country.
  • Tariffs. Trump has proposed a variety of tariffs as a favorite revenue raiser. These include a broadly applicable 10% or 20% tariff on imports, a 60% tariff of imports from China, and a 100% tariff on vehicles from Mexico. He has also recently proposed 25% tariffs on Canada and Mexico and an additional 10% tariff on China related to control of drugs coming into the U.S. Trump would have some freedom under current law to impose tariffs by executive action, although Congress could act to restrict that authority. Trump has suggested that tariffs could pay for many of his other tax proposals, although some commentators doubt that tariffs could raise that level of income. Trump has also suggested that tariffs could at some point replace the U.S. income tax, although again many commentators doubt that it could raise sufficient revenue. Tariffs would also tend to be much more regressive than the current income tax.

Summary

These are likely to be the discussion points around which 2025 tax legislation develops. As was done with the TCJA, there may be a tendency to try to get in as many tax breaks as possible, but to try to control the revenue cost by including phasedowns and phaseouts to stay within budget reconciliation requirements. The negotiations are likely to be difficult but also likely to end up with significant tax legislation enacted in 2025.

Continue Reading

Accounting

DAF assets keep accumulating without taxes

Published

on

Donor-advised funds are continuing to grow while enjoying substantial tax deductions for charitable giving even as many contributions go to other DAFs and private foundations instead of actual charities, according to a new report.

The report, released Monday by the Charity Reform Initiative of the Institute for Policy Studies, found that total DAF assets have grown 67% over the past four years, from $152 billion in 2020 to $254 billion in 2023, despite fluctuations in contributions. 

National sponsor assets have grown at by far the fastest pace, increasing 92% from 2020 to 2023. (National sponsors are those with no specific geographic or cause-based mission, such as Fidelity Charitable, the National Philanthropic Trust and the American Endowment Foundation.) While they represent only 3% of DAF sponsors, national sponsors held 70% of all DAF assets, took in 73% of all DAF contributions, and gave out 61% of all DAF grant dollars in 2023.

The median DAF account size across all sponsors was $135,086 in 2023. National sponsors had the largest accounts, at $390,910. Donation processor accounts were by far the smallest, at $305. (Donation sponsors administer mass-scale contributions, such as workplace giving, payroll deduction or crowdfunding programs. Some examples include PayPal Charitable Giving Fund, Network for Good and American Online Giving Foundation.)

The median DAF payout rate across all sponsors was 9.7% in 2023. This payout has stayed around 9 to 10 percent for the past four years. Donation processors have by far the highest payout rates of any sponsor type, granting out around 82% in any given year. Community foundation sponsors have the lowest rates, granting out around 8 to 9%. (Community sponsors mainly support charities in a specific geographic region such as a state, county or city. Examples include the Silicon Valley Community Foundation, the Chicago Community Trust and the Community Foundation of the Ozarks).

DAF-to-DAF grants accounted for an estimated $4.4 billion in 2023. Some of these go-between gifts are the commercial sponsors’ largest. In 2023, for example, Schwab Charitable’s third-largest grant was to Fidelity Charitable, for $122 million. That same year, Fidelity Charitable’s largest grant was to National Philanthropic Trust, at $195 million, with Schwab Charitable in second place at $183 million.

Private foundations gave at least an estimated $3.2 billion dollars in grants to national donor-advised funds in 2022. Private foundations’ 5% annual payout requirement is supposed to ensure their grants go to operating charities in a timely way, but because DAFs have no payout or account-level disclosure requirements, foundation-to-DAF grants can undermine the foundation payout rules and transparency rules as well.

The report argues for more transparency. “The public only has access to aggregate sponsor-level information about DAF grants and payout rates,” said the report. “This means that individual DAF accounts that pay out at high rates may be providing statistical cover for DAF accounts that pay out very little, or nothing at all. And there is no way for regulators or the public to trace significant donations back to major donors, as is possible for private foundations.”

The report noted that every year, more charitable dollars are diverted to donor-advised funds while nonprofits on the ground struggle harder to get funding. “Donors reap significant tax savings from DAF giving, and those savings are subsidized by other American taxpayers with no guarantee of commensurate public benefit,” said the report. “In the absence of adequate transparency, DAFs are ripe for mistreatment by donors and for-profit actors. Congress could ensure that DAFs are more accountable to the public and move funds in a timely manner to charities on the ground.”

Continue Reading

Accounting

What clients expanding businesses into other states should know about SIT and SUI

Published

on

It’s an exciting time for business owners when they take their small businesses to the next level, expanding to other locations. 

While there are many moving parts when opening a new office or store in the same state, business clients have additional tasks to tackle when branching out into other states. As a trusted accounting and tax resource, you will likely be their go-to for answers when they have questions about what’s involved in those efforts.

In this post, I will cover three important compliance components of setting up shop in another state.

Foreign qualification

Foreign qualification is the process of registering an existing entity in one state as a foreign entity in another state to legally allow it to conduct business there.  Different states have different nexus criteria for determining what’s considered “conducting business,” but the one universal rule for when a business must foreign qualify is if it opens a physical location in a state. 

After a company has foreign qualified, it must fulfill the state’s business compliance requirements — e.g., obtain licenses, file annual reports, comply with employment laws, and pay applicable state (and possibly local) taxes. 

State income tax

State income tax is a state-mandated tax that most states collect on business income and employees’ pay. Any business with employees in the state is responsible for withholding SIT from employees’ gross wages or salaries and remitting that money to the correct state tax agency. Typically, state tax rates vary by state and differ for business entities and individuals. 

Currently, nine states do not levy an individual income tax, and a few also do not have a corporate income tax: 

  • Alaska (no individual income tax, but has a graduated corporate income tax);
  • Florida (no individual income tax, but has a corporate income tax);
  • Nevada (no individual income tax; no corporate income tax, but levies a gross receipts tax on business entities with gross revenue exceeding $4 million in a fiscal year);
  • New Hampshire (doesn’t tax individual’s wage income and is eliminating the tax on dividends and interest income for the 2025 tax year; has a Business Profits Tax and entities with gross receipts over $298,000 are subject to a Business Enterprise Tax);
  • South Dakota (no individual or corporate income tax);
  • Tennessee (no individual income tax; no corporate income tax, but has a business tax, a privilege tax for doing business by making sales of tangible personal property and services, which usually consists of two taxes: a state business tax and a city business tax);
  • Texas (no individual income tax; no corporate income tax, but has a franchise tax, a privilege tax on business entities formed in or doing business in the state);
  • Washington (no individual income tax; no corporate income tax, but imposes a business and occupation or public utility tax on gross receipts);
  • Wyoming (no individual income tax or corporate income tax, but has a Business Entity License Tax).

Note that cities and counties in some states charge their own income tax as well, even if the state does not levy income tax. 

Before withholding SIT and local income tax from employees’ pay in a state, an employer must register for a state-issued employer identification number and follow the local government’s rules for registering to withhold and remit its income tax. Businesses must pay close attention to meeting the state and local payroll reporting and payment deadlines to avoid fines and penalties. 

State unemployment insurance

Businesses with employees in a state with its own unemployment insurance program must also register to contribute to that program. Like the federal unemployment program, SUI (also known as SUTA) provides temporary payments to workers who become unemployed due to no fault of their own. A few states — Alaska, New Jersey and Pennsylvania — require employees to pay a portion of the SUI. The laws of the state establish the taxable wage threshold and the unemployment tax rate.

Employers must pay federal and state unemployment insurance for each employee based on the employee’s wages or salary. The 6% FUTA tax applies to the first $7,000 paid (after subtracting any FUTA-exempt payment amounts) to each employee during a calendar year. Please note most states have a credit reduction amount that reduces the 6% FUTA tax; the credit reduction rates can change each year for each state. States’ SUI rates vary, with each state determining the wage base, or threshold, for when SUI kicks in. Businesses can anticipate that SUI tax rates might change from year to year in response to economic conditions.

To register for SUI, businesses must register with the state department (e.g., Department of Revenue or Department of Employment Security) responsible for unemployment taxes. Businesses need an Employer Identification Number from the IRS to set up an account with the state for filing and remitting SUI taxes. Generally, states require businesses to report and pay their SUI quarterly.

There’s more

Also, inform business clients that some states require employers to pay or withhold additional payroll taxes. For example, employers in California must pay an Employment Training Tax, which provides money to train employees in specific industries and withhold or pay State Disability Insurance from employees’ paychecks, which temporarily pays workers when they’re ill or injured due to non-work activities or for pregnancy, and Paid Family Leave benefits. In Kentucky, many counties and cities impose an Occupational License Fee on individuals’ payroll and the net profits of a business.

Also, businesses with workers on payroll in a state must pay for workers’ compensation insurance; no portion of that cost may be deducted from employees’ pay.

The bottom line

As your clients’ trusted tax advisor, I encourage you to provide the most clear and comprehensive expertise that your licensing allows so your clients understand their tax and payroll obligations when they expand their operations to other states and localities. Also, make them aware that states’ rules and regulations vary for companies registering as foreign entities within their jurisdictions. It’s critical that your business clients research the requirements that apply to them and get the professional legal guidance they need to fully understand and comply with their responsibilities.

Continue Reading

Accounting

Trump tax cut, debt limit plan advances amid tariff turmoil

Published

on

Senate Republicans took a major step toward enacting President Donald Trump’s tax cut agenda and increasing the U.S. debt ceiling, potentially injecting a small degree of certainty into financial markets roiled by the president’s tariff policies.

The Senate early Saturday morning passed the budget resolution by a 51-48 margin after an overnight marathon of votes on amendments. Two Republican senators, Susan Collins of Maine and Rand Paul of Kentucky, joined all Democrats in opposing the budget resolution. 

The measure allows congressional Republicans to craft legislation to extend Trump’s 2017 tax cuts for individuals and closely held businesses that expire at the end of 2025. Even so, spending cuts remain caught up in a lingering dispute between House and Senate GOP members.

It also permits for $1.5 trillion in new tax cuts over a decade, and calls for a $5 trillion increase to the federal borrowing limit to avert the Treasury Department hitting the debt ceiling this summer.  

The vote comes at a perilous moment for the economy after Trump unveiled tariffs on nearly every country this week, causing global stock markets to tumble and sparking fears of a worldwide recession.

Republicans have described the tax cuts — a proposed total of $5.3 trillion over 10 years in the Senate version and $4.5 trillion in the House’s — as the next phase of Trump’s two-part economic agenda after the tariffs. The president’s allies argue that a fresh round of levy reductions will boost markets and provide certainty for businesses to invest. However, it’s not clear if the scope of the tax package counter the tariff fears gripping investors.

Congressional Republicans say renewing the expiring portions of Trump’s first-term cuts are imperative to avert a tax hike on U.S. households next year.

“A typical family of four making $80,000 a year would end up sending an additional $1,700 to the government next year,” Senate Majority Leader John Thune said. 

The budget also calls for $150 billion in new funds for the military and $175 billion for immigration efforts, two top spending priorities for Trump, despite broader efforts to slash the federal workforce and budget.

Political posturing

Democrats said the GOP plan will skew tax benefits toward affluent households, at a time economists say lower-and-middle class individuals are poised to bear the brunt of the price hikes from tariffs on imported goods.

“This is the Republican agenda, plain and simple: billionaires win, American families lose,” said Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer of New York..

The budget resolution heads to the House next week where Speaker Mike Johnson will be faced with the challenge of wrestling the measure through his fractious group of Republicans, where he can only afford to lose a handful of votes.

“I look forward to working with House leadership to finish this crucial first step and unlock legislation that strengthens our economic and fiscal foundations,” Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent, who was involved in developing the Senate plan, said in a statement.

Some fiscal hawks among House Republicans, including Kentucky’s Thomas Massie and Ralph Norman of South Carolina, have grumbled about the plan for not calling for enough spending cuts.

Texas Representative Chip Roy, a spending hawk and Freedom Caucus member, said he’d vote against the Senate budget if it were brought to the House floor. In contrast, the House version “establishes important guardrails to force Congress to pump the brakes on runaway spending,” he said on X.

The Senate budget resolution provides for at least $4 billion in spending reductions over a decade. That’s significantly lower than the $2 trillion target envisioned in an earlier House version.

Spending squabble

“The Senate response was unserious and disappointing, creating $5.8 trillion in new costs and a mere $4 billion in enforceable cuts, less than one day’s worth of borrowing by the federal government,” House Budget Chairman Jodey Arrington of Texas said Saturday in a statement. He said he’ll work to ensure the final package has large spending cuts.

Senate leaders drastically scaled back the spending cut parameters after several Republicans warned that widespread reductions would likely harm benefits for their constituents, including Medicaid health coverage for low-income households and those with disabilities.

If the House rejects the Senate budget, a new compromise would need to be worked out between the two chambers before they can begin crafting the tax legislation.

Republicans have a series of hard — and potentially divisive — choices to make to squeeze their long list of tax cut proposals into the $1.5 trillion ceiling they set for themselves.

Senate Finance Committee Chairman Mike Crapo has said he has received more than 200 requests for tax cuts to include in the bill.

Atop the list are several campaign trail pledges from Trump, who’s called for eliminating taxes on tipped wages and overtime pay. The president has also said he wants to create a new deduction for car buyers and seniors. 

A group of House lawmakers have demanded an increase in the $10,000 cap on the state and local tax deduction, and most Senate Republicans back a repeal of the estate tax. 

The budget also calls for using a gimmick to count the extension of Trump’s 2017 tax cuts — estimated to cost nearly $4 trillion — as $0 for official scoring purposes. 

This decision will have to get the approval of the Senate parliamentarian before the legislation goes for a final vote, a risky gambit that could leave the GOP rushing at the last-minute to scrounge for offsets for the tax cuts.

Republicans agree on a relatively narrow universe of spending cuts to include in the legislation, including reductions to food stamps, Pell Grants and renewable energy subsidies.  

The Trump administration is also weighing a handful of tax increases to offset the costs — a surprising development for a party that was once universally opposed to any levy hikes.

Among the measures under consideration are introducing a new income tax bracket for those earning $1 million or more, rolling back the corporate state and local tax deduction, and repealing the carried interest break used by the hedge fund and private equity industries. 

Lawmakers envision enacting the final tax package sometime between May and August. As long as legislation adheres to the rules detailed in the budget resolution, it can pass with just Republican votes.

Continue Reading

Trending