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On a commercial stretch of Queens, New York, across from a hair-braiding salon and next to a McDonald’s, two security guards mark the entrance to the Jamaica Sexual Health Clinic. For years this has been the neighbourhood’s go-to place for STI testing and HIV treatment. Joaquin Aracena, from the Bureau of Public Health Clinics, proudly shows its newest addition: the reproductive-health wing. With freshly painted white walls and pastel-green doors, it is distinctly less institutional-looking than the rest of the clinic.
“Once they did [away with] Roe v Wade I was able to get this space,” he says. The clinic now offers walk-in medication abortions free to all. Word is clearly spreading. Last year it provided just over 700 abortions; in January it was 100, and this morning the two nurse practitioners have already sent four women home with a non-transparent bag containing the pills they need to terminate their pregnancies.
This is one of the more unexpected results of the Supreme Court’s decision in 2022 to overturn Roe, a ruling that returned the issue of abortion to states and triggered bans. That gave the city’s government new energy to take a more active role in co-ordinating access to abortion, says the city’s health commissioner, Ashwin Vasan. This included putting up billboards in Arizona and Texas and opening clinics in underserved pockets of the city. Less than nine months after Dobbs v Jackson, the ruling that overturned Roe, the Jamaica clinic’s abortion service was up and running.
Many hurdles—practical, financial, social—can stand in a woman’s way, even where abortion is legal. One consequence of Dobbs is improved access in states with a supportive approach to abortion.
Map: The Economist
New data from the Guttmacher Institute, a pro-abortion-rights research group, estimate that over 1m abortions were performed in America in 2023—a rise of 10% compared with 2020 and the highest number in over a decade. This is astonishing, given that the procedure is now banned in 14 states and has become restricted in several more. States bordering those with bans had the steepest rises: up by 72% in Illinois since 2020, 76% in Virginia and 257% in New Mexico.
Last year more than 160,000 women—over 400 a day—crossed state borders to terminate pregnancies, versus 81,100 in 2020 (albeit a covid-19 year). More surprising is the growth among residents of abortion-supporting states. In California locals had an estimated 21,470 more abortions in 2023 than in 2020 (accounting for 88% of the state’s increase) and in New York they had 20,460 more (97%). Overall, in states without bans, over half of the rise was the result of locals having more abortions.
Efforts to improve access in such states may help explain this growth. Several states have reduced out-of-pocket spending for patients. Illinois, New Mexico and New York have increased their Medicaid reimbursement rates for first- and second-trimester abortion procedures by more than 200%, according to forthcoming analysis by KFF, a health-research group. In ten states health insurers are now required to cover abortion, up from six before Dobbs.
Map: The Economist
Nothing has helped expand access as much as abortion pills, which now account for 63% of abortions in America, up from 45% in 2019 (see chart). Medication abortions are cheaper than procedural ones, and easier for clinics to provide and (especially in rural areas) for patients to receive. They are effective in the first trimester, when 94% of abortions happen. Telehealth experiments during the pandemic helped fuel the expansion, as did a loosening of regulations on their use and distribution. Next week the Supreme Court will consider whether the rules should be tightened again.
Whereas in 2020 only 7% of providers offered abortions via telemedicine, by 2022 that had increased to 31%. Mai Fleming from Hey Jane, a virtual-only abortion provider, says she can offer medication abortions at “a fraction” of the cost of bricks-and-mortar clinics. She has seen particularly large increases in orders from states that border restrictive states, such as Colorado, Illinois and New Mexico.
Abortion havens have also solidified legal protections, both for patients (eg, data privacy) and providers (eg, malpractice insurance). Some have amended state constitutions to include a right to abortion. Six states now have telemedicine shield laws that protect licensed practitioners from prosecution if they prescribe and send pills to patients in states that ban abortion.
Alternative explanations for the nationwide rise in abortions, beyond the spread of pills and efforts to lower barriers, do not seem to hold water. It does not, for example, appear to stem from a spike in unplanned pregnancies, which—a short bump during the covid pandemic excepted—show little sign of change since Dobbs.
It would be wrong to conclude that all is fine in post-Roe America. Abortion pills may be a godsend for early unplanned pregnancies, but for women in states with bans who need an abortion later—often due to fetal abnormalities detected at the 20-week scan—getting an abortion is harder than it has been for decades.■
Correction (March 19th 2024): An earlier version of this article misstated the number of women who crossed state borders to terminate pregnancies in 2020. Sorry.
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On July 20, Andy Burnham has been chosen to be the next Prime Minister in UK. The appointment of a new Prime Minister in the United Kingdom often raises questions from people outside the country, especially when no nationwide election has taken place. Many wonder how a new national leader can assume office without voters casting ballots. The answer lies in the UK’s parliamentary system, where the Prime Minister is not directly elected by the public but is instead chosen based on who commands the confidence of the House of Commons.
How the UK Selects Its Prime Minister
Unlike presidential systems where citizens vote directly for the head of government, the United Kingdom elects Members of Parliament (MPs) during a general election. The political party that secures a majority of seats in the House of Commons usually forms the government, and that party selects its own leader to serve as Prime Minister.
If the leader resigns, becomes unable to continue, or is replaced by their party, the governing party can choose a new leader without triggering a general election. As long as the new leader is able to maintain the confidence of Parliament, they can immediately become Prime Minister after being formally appointed by the monarch.
Why No Election Was Required
A general election is not automatically required every time the office of Prime Minister changes hands. The governing party retains its parliamentary majority because voters elected MPs rather than an individual Prime Minister. If the ruling party chooses a new leader through its internal leadership process, the government continues to operate without interruption.
This constitutional arrangement provides stability and allows the government to continue functioning during periods of political transition. It also avoids the expense and disruption of holding a nationwide election every time party leadership changes.
The King’s Constitutional Role
After a governing party elects a new leader, the monarch invites that individual to form a government. This constitutional step is largely ceremonial and follows long-established conventions. The King appoints the person most likely to command a majority in the House of Commons, ensuring continuity of government.
Although the monarch formally appoints the Prime Minister, political power rests with Parliament and the elected representatives of the British people.
Could an Election Still Happen?
Yes. A newly appointed Prime Minister has the authority to request a general election if they believe it is politically advantageous or if they seek a stronger public mandate. Parliament can also reach a point where a government loses the confidence of the House of Commons, potentially leading to an election or the formation of a new government.
In many cases, however, a new Prime Minister continues governing until the next scheduled general election.
What This Means for the UK
The UK’s parliamentary democracy is designed to ensure government continuity while respecting the results of the most recent general election. Leadership changes within the governing party do not automatically alter the composition of Parliament, which is why a new Prime Minister can take office without another nationwide vote.
Understanding this process helps explain why political transitions in the United Kingdom can appear different from those in countries with presidential systems. While the Prime Minister may change, the democratic mandate of Parliament remains in place until voters elect a new House of Commons at the next general election.
On July 21, 2026, global economic analysis shifts focus toward a defining structural macroeconomic trend: the massive expansion of public and private capital deployment into high-capacity electrical grid infrastructure. As industrial electrification, automated data center hubs, and renewable energy integration accelerate worldwide, sovereign governments and institutional investors are facing a monumental economic challenge. Updating legacy power grids to meet skyrocketing demand has emerged as a primary driver of long-term capital expenditures and industrial productivity across both developed and emerging market economies.
According to international economic policy updates released this week, grid infrastructure investments are projected to exceed multi-trillion-dollar thresholds over the coming decade. Economic planners caution that without modernized, high-voltage transmission networks, regional manufacturing sectors face severe energy bottlenecks, localized power price volatility, and operational constraints. Consequently, infrastructure spending is rapidly transitioning from passive utility maintenance into a vital component of national economic competitiveness and industrial policy.
The macroeconomic ripple effects of this capital deployment are being felt across global commodity markets and labor networks. High demand for structural industrial inputs—such as copper, aluminum, specialized electrical steel, and high-capacity transformers—has created sustained pricing support for critical material producers. Simultaneously, the specialized technical labor required to manufacture and deploy modern grid hardware is driving wage growth in industrial sectors, adding a complex new layer to central bank disinflation trajectories.
For global policymakers and strategic investors, the economics of energy grid modernization represent a double-edged sword. While massive infrastructure investment boosts short-term gross domestic product (GDP) and strengthens domestic industrial foundations, it requires disciplined fiscal allocation to prevent inflationary crowding-out of private capital. Countries that efficiently streamline grid infrastructure permitting and mobilize private investment will secure lower long-term energy costs, attracting high-tech manufacturing and reinforcing sustainable economic growth.
The international trade architecture entering the second half of 2026 is undergoing a profound structural pivot. As major sovereign economic blocs adjust to the long-term impact of unilateral tariffs and escalating regional subsidies, traditional globalized supply chains are being rapidly replaced by bilateral trade corridors and regional alliance networks. Data released in late July 2026 highlights a significant divergence: while cross-continental freight volumes between non-aligned partners have cooled, intra-regional trade throughout North America, Southeast Asia, and Eastern Europe has surged to record levels. This shift reflects a broader macroeconomic strategy wherein multinational corporations prioritize geopolitical resilience over pure cost minimization.
The primary economic catalyst behind this regionalization is the proliferation of sector-specific tariffs targeting critical industries, notably battery components, clean energy technology, and advanced semiconductor hardware. In response, global manufacturers have adopted multi-tier sourcing models that distribute production across intermediate partner nations before final assembly. While this strategy successfully bypasses primary import duties, it adds structural layers of logistical complexity and administrative oversight. Economists note that while total output remains robust, aggregate production costs have drifted upward, contributing to persistent baseline inflation across major consumer markets.
Simultaneously, currency settlement patterns within these regional blocs are experiencing a notable transformation. Sovereign central banks and commercial institutions are increasingly utilizing localized currency swap lines and digital clearing mechanisms to settle cross-border trade transactions. This transition reduces direct exposure to foreign exchange volatility and mitigates third-party liquidity constraints, further solidifying regional economic cohesion. However, for developing economies situated outside these primary trading alliances, the tightening of international trade networks presents severe challenges, restricting access to key export markets and foreign direct investment.
For corporate strategists and policy analysts navigating late 2026, success requires a thorough understanding of these emerging trade corridors. Organizations must conduct regular risk assessments of their multi-tier supplier networks, model tariff sensitivities under shifting geopolitical scenarios, and invest in real-time supply chain telemetry. As regional economic blocs strengthen their regulatory borders, supply chain agility and compliance fortitude will distinguish market leaders from vulnerable enterprises in the evolving global economy.