The Economist’s model of America’s Congressional elections estimates both major parties’ chances of winning each House and Senate race, and of controlling each legislative chamber. The forecast combines national and race-level polls with fundamental data about past electoral results and the nominees in each contest, in order to estimate the probability of each possible outcome.
The model does this by first constructing 10,001 hypothetical scenarios for the national popular vote for the House of Representatives. In some simulations, Democrats will fare far better than expected across the country; in others, Republicans will. Next, it tacks on additional simulated uncertainty for how the outcomes of Senate races as a group may differ from those in the House.
Using these values, the model then estimates a different plausible range of outcomes in each race for each simulated national environment. So for example, a strong Republican Senate candidate running in a historically Democratic state might have a 30% chance of victory amid a nationwide “red wave”, but just a 5% chance if the House popular vote is tied and Senate Republicans as a whole are underperforming their colleagues in the lower chamber. Finally, the forecast picks one outcome at random from these ranges for each race in each simulation.
For specific seats, the win probabilities presented here represent the share of these simulations won by each candidate. For chamber control, they represent the share of simulations in which the given party wins a majority of seats. Our Senate forecast incorporates the daily simulations from our presidential model, in order to determine the probability that each party will control the vice-president’s tie-breaking vote in the event of a 50-50 seat split.
A worker arranges cans of Campbell’s soup on a supermarket shelf in San Rafael, California.
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Campbell’s has seen customers prepare their own meals at the highest rate in about half a decade, offering the latest sign of everyday people tightening their wallets amid economic concerns.
“Consumers are cooking at home at the highest levels since early 2020,” Campbell’s CEO Mick Beekhuizen said Monday, adding that consumption has increased among all income brackets in the meals and beverages category.
Beekhuizen drew parallels between today and the time when Americans were facing the early stages of what would become a global pandemic. It was a period of broad economic uncertainty as the Covid virus affected every aspect of everyday life and caused massive shakeups in spending and employments trends.
More meals at home could mean people are eating out less, showing Americans tightening their belts. That can spell bad news for gross domestic product, two thirds of which relies on consumer spending. A recession is commonly defined as two straight quarters of the GDP shrinking.
It can also underscore the souring outlook of everyday Americans on the national economy. The University of Michigan’s consumer sentiment index last month fell to one of its lowest levels on record.
Campbell’s remarks came after the soup maker beat Wall Street expectations in its fiscal third quarter. The Goldfish and Rao’s parent earned 73 cents per share, excluding one-time items, on $2.48 billion in revenue, while analysts polled by FactSet anticipated 65 cents and $2.43 billion, respectively.
Shares added 0.8% before the bell on Monday. The stock has tumbled more than 18% in 2025.
“The Republicans should pray for rain”—the title of a paper published by a trio of political scientists in 2007—has been an axiom of American elections for years. The logic was straightforward: each inch of election-day showers, the study found, dampened turnout by 1%. Lower turnout gave Republicans an edge because the party’s affluent electorate had the resources to vote even when it was inconvenient. Their opponents, less so.